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EVERYBODY'S WORLD 



EVERYBODY'S 
WORLD 



SHERWOOD EDDY 

Author of "Suffering and the War" 

"The Students of Asia" 
"With Our Soldiers in France," etc. 




NEW XSJr YORK 
GEORGE H. DORAN COMPANY 



XV :' 



& 




Copyright, 1920, bt 
Sherwood Eddy 




To My Wife 



CONTENTS 

Chapter Page 

Foreword ix 

I. Everybody's War 1 

II. The New Near East 26 

III. The Appeal of Russia 64 

IV. The Hope of Russia 83 

V. Japan and the Far East .... 106 

VI. The Crisis in China 133 

VII. The Awakening of India .... 169 

VIII. The Awakening of India (Continued) . 193 

IX. Anglo-Saxon Responsibility . . . 221 

X. Everybody's World 242 

Appendix 263 



FOREWORD 

The present volume is the result of a working tour 
around the world in 1919. I had previously spent 
fifteen years in India, several years working in 
other parts of Asia, and had visited Russia. During 
the closing months of the War I was with the 
soldiers on the British, French, and American fronts. 
After returning to America, in fulfilment of en- 
gagements in the East, I visited Japan and China, 
and then spent six months in some fifty of the 
principal centers of India and Ceylon, during the 
period of political unrest in connection with the 
passing of the Rowlatt Sedition Bills and the agita- 
tion for Home Rule. On the return journey, I visited 
Egypt, Palestine, and Syria, and, going down over 
the Berlin to Bagdad Railway, entered Northern 
Mesopotamia. After crossing the Taurus Mountains, 
I passed through Adana, Konia, and the scenes of 
the Armenian massacres, across Turkey to Con- 
stantinople, returning through Italy and France to 
England and America. 

One gains the impression across Asia, Europe, and 
America of a vast world movement which I have 
tried to describe in the following pages. 

My thanks are due to many friends and nationals 
of the various countries visited for suggestions and 
criticisms regarding the manuscript. 

ix 



x FOREWORD 

The views expressed in this book are purely per- 
sonal and not official. They have been submitted 
to no organization for approval. They do not 
represent the views of the Young Men's Christian 
Association or of any other official body. 

Sherwood Eddy. 



I 

EVERYBODY'S WAR 

It has been everybody's war. And, as Lloyd 
George well says, "In the future it's going to be 
Everybody's World." To a labor deputation he 
said: "Don't always be thinking of getting back to 
where you were before the War. Get a really new 
World." That is our common task today. Millions 
have died for this new world. We must live for it. 
We must make a world worth their having died for. 
It is for us to see that these honored dead have not 
died in vain. The black night of war has passed and 
a new day has dawned — a day of stress and storm, 
dark with lowering portent, but radiant with the 
hope of a new world. Much of the old order that 
has not already been destroyed is doomed. The 
War has passed sentence upon our modern life. 
Rotten foundations that were built upon selfishness 
or injustice must be rebuilt upon the bed rock of 
eternal righteousness. Out of the ruins of the old 
world we must build the new. 

But it will take new men to build this new and 
better world. For those who have caught the vision 
of the new world and who have seen the doom of the 
old, it is a great day in which to live. We need a 
creative dynamic, a fearless faith, power that draws 
upon inexhaustible Omnipotence itself, if we are to 

1 



2 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

grapple with the titanic tasks that challenge us on 
every hand. As Mr. Britling well says: "This is 
the end and the beginning of an age. It is some- 
thing far greater than the French Revolution . . . 
and we live in it." We stand at a creative moment 
in human history. Never before has the whole 
world had the chance to make all things new. Old 
customs and contentments, old rules and ruts, old 
traditions and enslavements have been broken for 
ever. We are living in the birth pangs of a world 
struggling to be reborn, and the issues of our time 
will reach into eternity. 

We have been witnessing the greatest human 
event in history, the greatest in its magnitude and 
meaning, the most awful in its weight of agony, the 
most far-reaching in its possible results. Since that 
one far-off divine Sacrifice, which gives its meaning 
and promise to the vast outpouring of human life 
in this War, we have seen and had some part in the 
greatest thing that has happened in this world. 

This War, we must believe, was a means to some 
great end. The final meaning of such a sacrifice was 
surely one vast offering of life, for some great end 
dearer than life, that shall affect all humanity in all 
the centuries to come. We can parrot off in speech, 
or tabulate in cold statistics the losses of the War, 
but none of us is great enough of soul to grasp their 
full significance. Seven millions killed! One wide 
sweep of the scythe of death, and 7,000,000 of our 



EVERYBODY'S WAR 3 

youngest and our best lie beneath those rows of 
white crosses in the ordered armies of the silent dead, 
or scattered in nameless graves under the fields of 
France and Flanders. Seven million homes be- 
reaved! What scales can measure the dead weight 
of a world's sorrow, what arithmetic can compute it? 
Nearly 5,000,000 done to death by disease and star- 
vation, and others fallen uncounted in the score of 
after-wars along the broken fronts, or among the 
mobs that have raged in the city streets! More 
than 20,000,000 wounded and 5,000,000 left maimed 
or partly crippled for life! Six millions shut up in 
dreary prisons, some emaciated in body and mind, 
and some never to return! Countless millions who 
have suffered the privations and sorrows of the War 
in the trenches at the front and in the lonely homes 
of the poor! Twenty million women in Europe who 
can have no home of their own after the War! Fifty 
billion dollars' worth of materials and property de- 
stroyed, $300,000,000,000 expended, or nearly one- 
third of the wealth of the belligerents, leaving a 
burden of $10,000,000,000 a year to be provided by 
the stricken nations to meet the cost of the War and 
the interest on its crushing debt. 1 Wide areas of 
destruction are left, with ruined cities and towns, 
churches and cathedrals, factories and farms, where 
every home destroyed has meant the tomb of the 
happiness of some family. All these are but a part 

J The statistics of the war will be found in Appendix I. 



J 



4 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

of the great sacrifice and all the world has had some 
share in it. Belgium and Poland, Serbia and Ruma- 
nia were almost ruined. France was drained to her 
last man. Britain poured in the wealth of her whole 
empire and felt the strain to the limits of her last 
colony. Russia furnished by far the largest of the 
allied armies, and lies utterly impoverished by the 
War and its aftermath. All Europe has been shaken 
by the conflict. 

During the last two years the writer's journeys 
have taken him through almost every part of France, 
along the British, French, and American fronts, 
through Belgium and England, across America, to 
Japan and China, through some fifty cities and 
centers in India and Ceylon, to Egypt, Turkey, and 
the Near East. He found every part of the world 
deeply affected by the War. 

Japan has had to face the great issue raised be- 
tween autocracy and democracy. It is affecting her 
whole social fabric and her colonies, especially 
Korea, which has been convulsed by a passionate 
uprising of unarmed passive resistance. China sent 
her labor battalions, which were in evidence every- 
where in France from the coast to the front line 
trenches. India furnished more than a million men. 
We met them throughout the War in France. There 
is one section on the British front marked by 20,000 
Indian graves. We found Indian soldiers holding 
Egypt and most of Nearer Asia. It was chiefly the 



EVERYBODY'S WAR 5 

Indian troops who finished the conquest of Mesopo- 
tamia, Palestine, and East Africa. Among the best 
shock troops of France were the fierce fighting 
Moroccans. Men of twenty nationalities and coun- 
tries were found in the French army alone. The 
greater part of the population of the world was rep- 
resented in the fighting nations. 

As we journeyed across Belgium and France, 
from Ypres over the Messines and Vimy ridges, 
through Arras, from Chateau Thierry, Rheims, and 
the Argonne to Verdun and other parts of the war 
zone, we passed in turn Americans, Australians, 
Canadians, South Africans, American Indians, Ne- 
groes, Moroccans, Senegalese, Malagasy, Basutos, 
Chinese, Japanese, Indian Sikhs, Gurkhas, and Mah- 
rattas, Portuguese, Belgians, French, and British. 
More than twenty African tribes were represented 
in France and East Africa. More than a score of 
peoples in the islands of the Pacific were drawn upon 
and the principal countries of Europe were devas- 
tated. There was an almost universal conscription 
of suffering. It was indeed Everybody's War. 

The World War seems to have gathered up in one 
final climax all the suffering and horror, all the cost 
and destruction of previous wars; and, on the other 
hand, all the idealism and heroism of all former wars 
combined in one. Such a vast sowing demands a 
commensurate reaping. Such a measureless sacri- 
fice calls for an adequate result. Such a mighty 



6 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

means demands some mighty end. Unless one were 
driven to the despairing belief that we live in an 
irrational world of cruel chance and blind fate that 
mocks every high human endeavor, one must hold 
to the firm faith that the results of this War, after 
all the price that has been paid, will reach into vast 
opportunities for good far beyond our ken, in the 
coming centuries of a better world. Those who have 
vision may discern, even through all the strife and 
turmoil, the providence of God in our own day. 
Hegel declares in the closing words of his remarkable 
"Philosophy of History": "The history of the 
world is the process of development and the realiza- 
tion of the Spirit. This is the justification of God in 
history. Only this insight can reconcile Spirit with 
the history of the world. What has happened and 
is happening every day is not only not ' without 
God/ but is essentially His work." 

To appreciate the possible meaning of this sacri- 
fice as a means to some great end, we must ask our- 
selves once more, What were we fighting for? What 
must we win for humanity from this War if it has 
not been fought in vain? What was its central 
lesson as we see it now in perspective? We must ask 
this even at the risk of a brief repetition, for already 
we are impatient to pass on though we have not yet 
learned, even superficially, the hard-won lessons of 
the War. 

A pistol shot, the murder of a crown prince of 



EVERYBODY'S WAR 7 

Austria, and the powder mine of Europe explodes. 
But behind this occasion lay the proximate cause of 
two contending forces, expanding Serbia and ambi- 
tious Austria. Behind these two colliding nationali- 
ties lay the conflict of two greater powers, Pan- 
Germanism and Pan-Slavism. What began as a war 
between two peoples soon became a war between 
two principles. While we do not claim that all the 
right was on one side and all the wrong on the other, 
nevertheless there gradually emerged one supreme 
and central issue, though it may be viewed from 
three standpoints, political, moral, and spiritual. 
Politically, there was the issue between autocracy 
and democracy, between the pretended divine right 
of kings and privileged classes, and the eternal and 
inalienable rights of peoples. Morally, the issue lay 
between the oppression of militarism and human 
liberty. Spiritually, the final issue of the War lay 
between the materialism of might and the spiritual 
power of right, between a material and a spiritual 
interpretation of the universe. 

This, then, finally emerged as the central issue 
of the war: autocracy or democracy, militarism or 
liberty, might or right, the material or the spiritual, 
selfishness or sacrifice, mammon or God. However 
confused and hidden, there was an ultimate con- 
flict of eternal principles in the War, which forced 
us to a choice of destiny. The Kaiser chose. Prus- 
sian militarism chose. The German people had to 



8 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

choose. And just as truly, you and I must choose; 
the whole American people must choose. We chose 
the better part for the winning of the War. Shall 
we choose it now for the winning of the world? 

Let us pause at the end of the terrible conflict, 
and at the beginning of this period of reconstruction, 
to ask ourselves whether we have yet learned this 
central lesson of the War for the individual and the 
nation, that selfishness is suicidal and its wages is 
death; that sacrifice is divine, and the life that gives 
itself in service, even though it die, rises triumphant 
and eternal. The whole world was not drenched in 
blood merely to teach Germany or the Kaiser a 
lesson. If we gloat over their downfall with a cheap, 
flag-waving patriotism, and apply standards to our 
enemies which we shirk for ourselves, it is sheer 
pharisaic hypocrisy. Have we learned this central 
lesson of the War? Are we committed to the sacri- 
ficial life of service for human uplift and world 
brotherhood? If not, so far as we are concerned the 
War has been fought in vain. 

If we choose the life of service, what men are we 
to serve? WTiat is to be the limit of our sympathy 
and responsibility? Does it include our family, our 
neighbor, the man across the street, the poor in the 
back alley? Does it take in our city, our state, our 
country, our allies, our world? Selfishness draws 
exclusive bounds. Love knows but one unbroken 
brotherhood. A man is as small as his selfishness, and 



EVERYBODY'S WAR 9 

as big as the world he serves. Selfishness divides 
humanity into Jew and Gentile, bond and free, priv- 
vileged and unprivileged, home and "foreign," our 
own people who count and others who do not. Love 
reigns in Everybody's World. 

If you and I squarely adopt the principle of serv- 
ice, of sacrifice, and the law of love, it means that in 
our spirit we shall not be narrowly provincial and 
exclusively national, but our interests will be as wide 
as humanity. Selfishness will give, if it pays to do so, 
for its own class or clan, or creed, or people, but 
will exclude all others as "the masses," the poor, 
the heathen, as alien, outcast, foreign. Foreign to 
what, or to whom? Are they foreign to God? Are 
they foreign to humanity? Or are they foreign to 
our petty selves? You and I and all men, rich or 
poor, white or black, near or far, belong to Every- 
body's World. 

Almost every rich and ruling nation in turn has 
counted itself the people, and excluded others as in- 
ferior. Assyria and Babylon, Egypt and Persia, 
Greece and Rome, the Chinese "Middle Kingdom," 
the Germans as "the salt of the earth" and the 
center and circumference of Kultur, the British, with 
their Empire on which the sun never sets, and the 
Americans in their "splendid isolation" and boast- 
ing self-confidence, all alike have been beset by the 
danger of self-centered provincialism. The measure 
of our strength, our wealth, our privilege is just the 



10 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

measure of our responsibility. The touchstone of 
our greatness will be the spirit of our service to the 
world. We are debtors to all — to all who have 
helped us and to all whom we can help. Our nation 
must live in Everybody's World, or turn its back 
upon humanity and live the pagan life of sordid 
selfishness — rich, fat, sleek, the national Dives with 
the beggared world at our gate, left, as Browning says, 

"in God's contempt apart, 
With ghastly smooth life, dead at heart, 
Tame in earth's paddock as her prize." 

We emerge from the War as materially the strong- 
est and most privileged nation of the world, with 
the largest wealth, the largest man power, the largest 
manufacturing output. We have suffered the least 
of all the great nations in the War. If we had striven 
and suffered in proportion to some that first entered 
the War, we would have had an army of 15,000,000 
men, with more than 2,500,000 killed, or more than 
all the men we had in France. Instead, we stand as 
the wealthiest nation as we face this crucial period 
of world reconstruction. Here is our responsibility. 
Here is a permanent moral equivalent for war, in a 
task infinitely harder and grander, the winning of a 
new world. It may be a more difficult thing to win 
the world than it was to win the War, but the men 
who fought and died for us did not stop to count the 
cost, nor nicely to calculate their chances of success 
or the ease of victory. 



EVERYBODY'S WAR 11 

What are the conditions of the making of a new 
world, and what principles are involved in it? Can 
we agree upon at least five such principles: a new 
faith in the common man, a new social justice at 
home and abroad, a new conception of the democ- 
racy of nations, a new belief in world brotherhood, 
and finally, as the foundation of all these, a new con- 
viction that life is realized not in selfishness but in 
service and sacrifice? Let us pause to note these 
five principles involved in a new social order, and 
then apply them to the great territorial divisions of 
human need as left by the War. 

First, a new faith in man. If every man, of every 
race, of every nation, however small or backward, 
has an inalienable birthright of liberty, if the moral 
order of the universe is written in his conscience, it 
means that under the divine Fatherhood, as a mem- 
ber of the human brotherhood, he is of independent 
and infinite worth. He is not, then, a mere means 
to an end, a tool for our convenience, a "hand" for 
our labor and the accumulation of our wealth, but 
a brother made in the image of God, in the divine 
right of his manhood. Has not the whole War re- 
inforced this lesson? It has indeed been Everybody's 
War, a war of the millions of men in the ranks, who 
were "common soldiers" only, because heroism and 
bravery were so universal. It was not a war of 
special heroes, of generals, of Napoleons. Despite 
the splendid strategy of the unified command, the 



12 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

War was won in the ranks and in the trenches. It 
was a war of the common man, and it is the world 
of the common man. Man as man is so infinitely and 
absolutely great in himself and his inborn potentiali- 
ties, that no wealth, title, or privilege can add to his 
true greatness, and no poverty, oppression, or en- 
slavement can detract from it. 

The contending armies in Europe were the world's 
manhood at war. Contrast with these men the 
professional armies and paid adventurers of other 
days. Wellington complained that his army was 
"the scum of the earth." Our boys were the salt of 
the earth. They were our own sons and brothers. 

The writer recalls a scene on Salisbury Plain dur- 
ing the second year of the War. A great army was 
passing in review before the King. There were 
generals, officers of every rank, civilians, statesmen, 
and notables, but the greatest man on the field that 
day was "Tommy Atkins." Time and again our 
eyes were misty as we watched those columns march 
past, men who, in a few days, were to fight and die 
in the mud of Flanders or in the shambles of the 
Somme. They paid the price. They won the War. 
They are the men who need our consideration as 
they return to the difficult economic conditions that 
follow the War. We need the same faith in the 
toilers of industry as in the men in the trenches, in 
the man behind the machine as in the man behind 
the gun. There may be more romance in the 



EVERYBODY'S WAR 13 

trenches, there is more need in the slums of our 
great cities. 

Second, a new social justice at home and abroad. If 
these men are of infinite value, and of equal worth 
with ourselves, then unless we are to revert to the 
sordid level of class selfishness, there must be a new 
and better social order. The health and happiness 
of the world must not be for the privileged few but 
for all men, if this is to be Everybody's World. God 
must have meant it to be so if He is not a class God 
of special privilege for the Germans or ourselves. 
We can see clearly in distant Germany that it is not 
social justice if crushed masses of men must toil, 
subject to the "divine right" of a privileged Kaiser, 
who, while his people fight to keep soul and body to- 
gether to avoid starvation, can have his own palaces 
filled with food and luxury. But can we see with 
equal clearness the social injustice of our own con- 
ditions at home? We have lived so long in a land of 
plenty, with relatively high wages, freedom of com- 
petition, and means for the swift amassing of large 
fortunes, that our national prosperity has obscured 
the vision of our own social injustice. 

We have seen a privileged few in Prussia exploit 
the power of modern science, harnessed for destruc- 
tion, for the selfish benefit of their dynastic ambi- 
tions. Have we eyes to see a like injustice if the 
privileged few in our own land hold for themselves 
the unearned increment of wealth, the enormous 



14 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

income from the possession of modern machinery, 
all the means of production, and the bulk of the 
nation's natural resources? We saw the Kaiser and 
the Prussian Junkers "stand pat" upon their inher- 
ited privileges. Do we also "stand pat" upon ours? 
Reader and writer, whether we will or no, we are 
alike members of the privileged class. This book 
will probably fall into no other hands. The vast 
majority of the toiling masses have neither the 
money, the education, the leisure, nor the oppor- 
tunity to read our books, to attend our churches, to 
join our clubs. 

We read, some time ago, in our daily papers of a 
vast fortune left without one penny to charity or 
human welfare, selfishly held in death as it had been 
held in life; while in another column of the same 
paper we read of the Stars and Stripes trampled upon 
to give place to the red flag of socialism. We read 
both, but do we see any connection between the two? 
Are we, any more than Prussian rnilitarists, able to 
read the signs of the time? In Russia, the swing of 
the pendulum from the perpendicular of equitable 
social justice to one extreme of the privileged class 
of Czarism, causes the reaction of its swing to the 
opposite extreme of Bolshevism, the selfish control 
of the unprivileged class. Bolshevism is only Czar- 
ism upside down. Both are the class rule of selfish- 
ness. Do we condemn the Kaiser and the Czar, 
< while we also cling fast to our own selfish privileges? 



EVERYBODY'S WAR 15 

Do we realize that a selfish plutocracy may cause a 
selfish Bolshevism, as well as Czarism, Kaiserism, 
or militarism? Perhaps we do not realize that we 
have so many privileges that others lack. Is it social 
justice if, as Professor W. I. King maintains, two 
per cent of the people of our country hold sixty per 
cent of its wealth, while the sixty-five per cent of 
the people who are poor own only five per cent of the 
wealth? 2 If not, are we to seek a solution on the 

2 According to Professor W. I. King, in "The Wealth and In- 
come of the People of the United States," the "rich," two per 
cent of the people, own sixty per cent of the wealth. The 
"middle-class," thirty-three per cent of the people, own thirty- 
five per cent of the wealth. The "poor," sixty-five per cent of 
the people, own only five per cent of the wealth. 

That is, 2,000,000 of the rich own twenty per cent more of 
the nation's wealth than all the other 100,000,000 together. 
According to the Immigration Commission of Congress in 1909, 
one-third of the American families were living on less than $500 
for a family of five persons. One-fourth of the fathers were not 
earning enough to support their families. 

The babies of the poor die at three times the rate of the well- 
to-do. One out of every twelve corpses in New York is buried 
in the "potter's field" at the expense of the city. From twelve 
to twenty per cent of the children in the large cities are underfed. 
Only one-third of them complete the grammar school and less 
than one-tenth the high school. Among the families of the 
workers thirty-seven per cent of the mothers are at work. Before 
the War one-fourth of the male workers earned less than $10 a 
week, over two-thirds of the women workers less than $8, and 
nearly one-half less than $6 a week. In the great basic industries 
the workers have been unemployed an average of one-fifth of 
the year. Approximately 35,000 persons a year are killed in 
American industry; at least half of these deaths, or 17,500, were 
preventable. 

"Report of Commission on Industrial Relations" to Congress 
1916, pp. 23-43. 



16 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

basis of Christian principles, or leave it to Bolshev- 
ism to find a solution? 

Is it social justice if, as Mr. Hunter 3 estimated 
before the War, 4,000,000 persons are dependent 
upon public relief in the United States, that another 
4,000,000 are destitute, and that 10,000,000 have an 
income insufficient to keep them physically effi- 
cient for their work? As Oliver Cromwell wrote, 
"If there is anything that makes many poor, and 
makes a few rich, that suits not a commonwealth." 

In one of the reconstruction meetings held by the 
allied soldiers in France, in an open debate, one of 
the soldiers in a camp where the writer was present 
voiced the sentiments of a small, unprivileged minor- 
ity as follows: "What are we going to get after the 
War? We have learned the use of force and bombs, 
bayonets and rifles, for some purpose. Our real 
enemy is not Germany but capitalism. We are not 
going to fight for a shilling a day, and then go back 
to be taxed all our fives and toil, without a fair living 
wage, to support the privileged classes. We are going 
back to fight for our rights just as we fought against 
Germany." However ignorant or misguided, how- 
ever wrong the means he advocated, the above 
speaker represents a class in every country, not only 
in Germany, Russia, and Britain, but in America as 
well. If we realize that we are in truth our brother's 



3 Robert Hunter, "Poverty," quoted by Rauschenbusch in 
"Christianity and the Social Crisis." pp. 247, 263. 



EVERYBODY'S WAR 17 

keeper, if we put ourselves in his place, can we 
honestly say that we would be satisfied if we had to 
live in his one-room tenement, to look daily in the 
faces of our own children stunted in their unhealthy 
surroundings, and to watch them grow up without 
those privileges in life which others so abundantly 
enjoy? If not, are we willing to do our part in secur- 
ing a new social justice that will give every man his 
rights in Everybody's World? 

Third, a new conception of the democracy of nations. 
We must believe not only in the inherent worth and 
rights of individuals but in those of nations as well. 
If we believe in the fatherhood of God and the 
brotherhood of man, if we hold that God has made 
of one blood all nations of men, then it must indeed 
be Everybody's World. Then there is no such thing 
as a permanently and essentially inferior race of men. 
There are backward and undeveloped races. There 
are immature races not yet come to their majority 
in self-government. There may be races which have 
deteriorated through an unfavorable environment. 
But the raw stuff of humanity is always great. 4 A 

4 Prof. Franz Boas in "The Mind of Primitive Man" says: 
"We do not need to assume that ancient Europeans were more 
gifted than other races which have not become exposed to the 
influence of civilization until recent times . . . The data of 
anthropology teach a greater tolerance of forms of civilization 
different from our own, and that we should learn to look upon 
foreign races with greater sympathy, and with conviction, that, 
as all races have contributed in the past to the cultural progress 
in one way or another, so they will be capable of advancing the 
interests of mankind, if given a fair opportunity." pp. 13, 17,288. 



18 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

man or a nation possesses a divine inheritance, an 
inalienable birthright, a latent though often inartic- 
ulate longing for liberty, democracy, and righteous- 
ness. Treitschke's idea of nations, despised because 
they are small or weak, has been forever discredited 
by the War. 

Henceforth the temporary government of one 
people by another must be regarded as a sacred trust 
for the welfare of the governed. In past times 
peoples were regarded as the spoil of war. Individ- 
uals and nations alike could be enslaved. The 
League of Nations proposes to give a mandate to 
certain powers which must render a strict account 
of their stewardship. But all other possessions are 
under a moral mandate from humanity. Colonies 
or possessions must be no longer fields for selfish 
exploitation, but for development toward self-deter- 
mination. The searchlight of full publicity will be 
turned with all its fierce glare upon America's 
administration of the Philippines, upon Japan's re- 
sponsibility in Korea, upon Britain's relation to India, 
Egypt, and Ireland, upon the colonies of France, the 
administration of Turkey and the Near East, the 
welfare and integrity of China. Neither America, 
Britain, nor Japan should be allowed to plunder or 
exploit China, because she is for the moment helpless. 
Fair protestations and platitudes will no longer hood- 
wink the public. The world is concerned for justice, 
not only in the former German colonies, but in all 



EVERYBODY'S WAR 19 

colonies. Has the War made us Pharisees and have 
we believed all our own propaganda? Can any- 
honest man deny that there are other colonies and 
possessions governed more unjustly and selfishly 
than German colonies ever were? As Abraham 
Lincoln said, "You cannot fool all of the people all 
of the time." All the exploited peoples must hence- 
forth have their place in Everybody's World. 

The writer sailed recently past the little harbor 
in Asia, where Saul of Tarsus, with a message 
of good news that meant the promise of Chris- 
tian civilization for barbarous Europe, crossed the 
strip of water that separates the East from the 
West, the old world from the new, ancient Asia from 
modern Europe. Suppose the Apostle Paul had not 
believed in the latent capacity of all humanity, 
suppose he had denied the possibility of Everybody's 
World, or had held that our savage ancestors were 
not worth saving, where would we and our boasted 
civilization have been? All the basis of our Christian 
civilization we owe to others who believed in the 
worth and innate capacity of all humanity. Now 
that we have been civilized, educated, enriched, and 
in a measure Christianized, shall we turn our back 
upon the less favored nations and races and deny 
them the same opportunity that was given to us? 

Mankind was created for the common birthright 
of brotherhood. Those dark races, which in the War 
were good enough to die for the cause, are good 



20 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

enough now to live for it. Apart from India, all 
British dominions furnished about 1,000,000 men 
for the War, but India alone furnished 1,250,000, or 
more than all the others combined. The writer saw 
the labor battalions of China throughout France 
from the coast to the trenches, along the British, 
French, and American fronts, digging trenches, 
mending shell-torn roads, and handling munitions. 
Even in the isolated Fiji Islands there is today a 
vacant chair in nearly every white home, and many 
of the natives offered almost their entire income to 
help win the War. Men of more than fifty nation- 
alities and peoples were fighting in the War. Democ- 
racy won the War, and it will inherit the earth. 
The suffering and backward nations must be given 
their chance in the new order. Because it was every- 
body's war, it must be Everybody's World. 

Fourth, a new internationalism, founded upon a 
true nationalism, realizing itself in a new League of 
Nations, a new world-consciousness, a new belief in 
world brotherhood. We cannot longer be confined 
in isolated, water-tight compartments of selfish 
nationalism. Four years of war brought the whole 
world together in a common cause as previous 
centuries had failed to do. Forty millions of young 
men were drawn together from the cities, towns, 
and villages of Europe, Asia, Africa, and America. 
They traversed new lands and seas, new continents 
of thought and experience; they exchanged new 



EVERYBODY'S WAR 21 

ideas. They fought together in France, Italy, 
Russia, Mesopotamia, Palestine, Egypt, and East 
Africa. Many entered as boys who returned as men ; 
they left home as provincials, to return with a 
cosmopolitan consciousness of Everybody's World. 

The world not only fought together in a com- 
mon cause; for the first time it thought together 
and acted together. The resources of the earth 
were made common property, the harvests of agri- 
culture, the products of industry, shipping and 
railways, coal and iron, were all found to belong to 
Everybody's World. Masses of men learned the 
value of social control. The individual had to 
recognize humanity; nationalism had to break its 
shell and emerge into a world of internationalism. 

The whole trend of human advance in civilization 
is from the struggle of brute force to the ordered 
rule of law. We have disarmed the individual, and 
established in turn the rule of law in the community, 
the state, and the nation. We must now take the 
next step which is demanded if the world is to be 
safe for anything. All our advance is to little purpose, 
if the whole world is to be plunged into war again 
and again. Is humanity to live for construction or 
for destruction? The late war only touched the 
fringe of the possibilities of scientific destruction. 
The combatants had just begun to drop high 
explosive bombs, weighing over a ton, and had 
gained control of poison gas and incendiary missiles 



22 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

which, if further developed, could blot out whole 
cities and stifle and slay non-combatant populations. 
We must choose between war and peace, the rule of 
law and the reign of terror. As we have taxed the 
whole machinery of civilization to support standing 
armies and the organized forces of destruction, let 
us tax our ingenuity, the brain and the man power 
of civilization, for an era of construction for human 
welfare. 

No country compared with America has such a 
position of responsibility or so holds the fate of the 
world in its hand. Europe stands at a deadlock, 
where all alike are exposed and involved. No other 
nation is in such an advantageous position of 
impartiality and of power. No other nation has 
claimed higher principles of idealism and of service 
to humanity. We have proclaimed them from the 
housetop to the wide world. Now is our testing 
time to practice or deny them. 

It is true that our isolation lends itself to the 
supremely selfish opportunity of turning our back 
upon the world and leaving it to its fate. That 
depends upon whether we as a nation will choose 
the principle of selfishness or of service. If we try 
only to save our own life nationally we shall lose it. 
We shall find, as surely as did Germany, that the 
wages of selfishness is death. When the world 
needed us, without counting the cost we cast in all 
that we had at the very end to help win the War. 



EVERYBODY'S WAR 23 

The world needs us yet more today, though not so 
obviously, as it did then. Shall we help now to 
win the world? 

The writer is at the moment on the other side of 
the planet from America. He is in the midst of 
these nations of the older and needier half of the 
world. You of the new world little realize with 
what longing eyes these peoples turn to us with a 
great hope for the high idealism which we have 
proclaimed. Do we mean it and are we going to 
practice or deny it? These peoples of awakening 
Asia have been reading the principles proclaimed 
by Washington, Lincoln, and Wilson. And they 
have believed them. They know nothing of the 
strife and vituperation of party politics among us. 
The world will little note nor long remember what we 
say now, as between personalities and party politics; 
but it will never forget what we do now, in our 
choice between these two eternal principles. Are 
we to choose nationally our own little world, selfish, 
sordid, and exclusive, or internationally, God's 
world, our world, Everybody's World? 

Fifth, if it is to be Everybody's World, with a 
new faith in the common man, a new social justice 
at home and abroad, a new conception of the 
democracy of nations, a new internationalism for 
the realization of world brotherhood, it must all 
depend upon the foundation principle, which we have 
already seen to be the central lesson of the War, that 



24 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

life is realized not in selfishness but in service and 
sacrifice. This is the central lesson not only of the 
War, but of the world, of all history, and of all life. 
As we returned from France, three colors lingered 
in our memory. There was the gold of those endless 
harvests of ripened wheat. There was the red of the 
poppies, like blood drops, in the golden grain. There 
was the white of those forests of crosses, millions of 
them, that marked the graves of the men who had 
fallen. Fallen for what? 

"In Flanders fields the poppies blow 
Between the crosses, row on row, 
That mark our place; and in the sky 
The larks still bravely singing, fly, 
Scarce heard amid the guns below. 
We are the dead; short days ago 
We lived, felt dawn, saw sunset glow, 
Loved and were loved; and now we lie 
In Flanders fields. 

Take up our quarrel with the foe! 
To you from failing hands we throw 

The torch. Be yours to lift it high! 

If ye break faith with us who die 
We shall not sleep, though poppies blow 
In Flanders fields." 

" Take up our quarrel with the foe!" We take this 
challenge from the dead, not as a cry for pagan 
vengeance — an eye for an eye and a tooth for a 
tooth — upon a crushed and conquered enemy, but 
as a call to fulfill the real objects of the War, the 



EVERYBODY'S WAR 25 

high aims for which they fought. The whole world 
today is called to service for worldwide reconstruc- 
tion. By all the lives laid down, by the strife and 
travail of nations, by the cry of our brothers' blood 
from the ground, by all the toil and bloody sweat 
of our advancing and suffering humanity, by the 
sacrifice in the very heart of God, by the call of the 
agony of the whole World War as the Calvary of 
humanity — if we are men worthy of such sacrifice, 
let us gird up our loins and rise to build a new world. 

Brothers, if you and I return to the life of sordid 
selfishness, so far as we are concerned the War was 
fought in vain. The whole world has suffered in 
vain for us. All has been lost upon us if we five now 
for mere pleasure-seeking, or money-grubbing, or 
money-hoarding, for no great human service. 

Are we now going to live for our petty world, or 
for Everybody's World, for ourselves or for the 
welfare of all men? There lies our choice, and this 
choice will shape our destiny. 

In the fight of the principles we have stated let us 
now review the great sections of the present world's 
need as revealed by the War. As we face this 
challenge of human need and immediate opportunity, 
do we view it with the narrow and exclusive interests 
of the self-centered life, or, having all the ultimate 
power of the universe behind us, with sympathy for a 
whole human brotherhood, as men ready to live and 
give, to serve and sacrifice for Everybody's World? 



II 

THE NEW NEAR EAST 

In the Near East we are dealing with that portion 
of the world which has made more history than any- 
other. Here was the cradle of the race, the seat of 
man's earliest civilization. As the meeting place of 
Asia, Africa, and Europe, it contained those centers 
of ancient civilization from which radiated the life 
of three continents. It was the birthplace of the 
three great monotheisms of the world, Judaism, 
Christianity, and Islam. It gave the world Abraham, 
Moses, Isaiah, and the Prophets; Jesus of Nazareth, 
the Apostle Paul, and that Ishmael and iconoclast 
of history who makes the problem of the Near East 
today, Muhammad. Here all the scenes of the Old 
and New Testaments were laid. 

Here were the great battlefields of the world for 
forty centuries. In our recent journey we passed the 
Plain of Troy, where Greeks and Trojans fought, and 
among the scenes of the "Iliad" and the "Odyssey." 
Here were the ancient empires of Egypt and Babylon, 
of Assyria and the Hittites, of Persia, Phoenicia, 
and Greece. From this center Alexander the Great 
founded his empire and conquered the world. Here 
in the Near East lay the occasion of the present 
world catastrophe; and here the most difficult 
political, racial, and religious problems have been 

26 



THE NEW NEAR EAST 27 

left in the wake of the War. This is the danger zone 
of the world. 

During the autumn of 1919 the writer made a tour 
of investigation in this region, overland from Cairo 
to Constantinople. Our first journey carried us 
from the Nile to the Euphrates, the two river 
basins which fed the life of ancient Egypt and 
Mesopotamia. Here some six thousand years ago 
were the two sources of civilization which were to 
make their contribution to other nations, and flow 
on in gathering volume through Greece, Judaea, and 
Rome, giving to the world, art, letters, philosophy, 
religion, and law. 

We stood on the great pyramid of Cheops and 
recalled the five milleniums of civilization which had 
flowed at its base. Below us at sunset lay the con- 
trast which marks the whole Near East, the desert 
and the river valley, the burning sand and the deep 
green of the widening delta. Here before us, in 
parable, were the past and the present, the death of 
the desert and the life of modern irrigation. Wherever 
the water of the river flowed there was life. 

We looked down upon the great Sphinx, silent 
with its secrets of the past, to the modern tramway 
lines deserted now because of the strikes of the 
turbulent nationalist uprising of modern Egypt. 
We crossed the burning sands of the peninsula, and 
looked away from the black, frowning summit of 
Sinai to the new railway line which General Allenby 



28 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

has pushed across the desert, following the march of 
modern civilization into Palestine. 

We went up from Gaza and Lydda, by "the way 
of the Philistines, " through the hills of Judaea to 
Jerusalem. We stood on the ancient dome of the 
rock on the summit of Mount Moriah, where 
Abraham worshiped, and David offered sacrifice, 
and Solomon built his temple. We moved through 
the streets of modern Jerusalem, where amid the 
clash of forces, Jewish, Muslim, and Christian, 
modern democracy seeks to heal their ancient strife. 

We found Palestine torn with political strife. 
Three forces are there represented, a minority of 
Jewish Zionists, a majority of Muslim Arabs, and 
the representatives of the Christian faith. Un- 
fortunately, the long centuries of dispersion and 
persecution do not seem to have taught the Jew his 
political lesson. The Zionists have proved as intoler- 
ant of other communities and faiths as they were 
centuries ago. If their independent rule were set 
up, there is evidence that there would be an imme- 
diate massacre of the Jews in Jerusalem and Palestine 
by the Muslims. There seems to be no substitute 
for the continuance of the wise British rule which 
was instituted when General Allenby made his 
modest entry into the Sacred City. The Kaiser 
came with pomp, tore down the city wall, opened a 
new gate for his triumphal entry, and erected a 
pretentious palace on the Mount of Olives. General 



THE NEW NEAR EAST 29 

Allenby entered the city simply, on foot. He 
immediately gave the largest religious and political 
liberty to all classes of the community. An abundant 
water supply has been flowing into Jerusalem for the 
first time in its history, without money and without 
price. The British have given to Palestine in the 
last twelve months more good government and 
progress than has Turkish misrule in the last twelve 
centuries. 

We stood above Damascus, old when Abraham 
entered the promised land, where the long caravans 
from Mecca and Bagdad were still bringing their 
wares. We looked out over the valley to the road 
where the Apostle Paul entered the city blinded by 
his new vision, and to the modern camps and 
barracks of the soldiers of France and the Arab 
Hedjas from Mecca, both desiring the control of 
Syria and of Damascus as its strategic city. 

We went down from Aleppo over the Berlin to 
Bagdad Railway and crossed the Euphrates into 
Mesopotamia. The Oxford archeologist, Major 
Wooley, showed us over the excavations of the 
ancient Hittite civilization, with its temples and 
palaces, its carvings and inscriptions dating back 
some 4,000 years, and over the scene of the battle of 
Carchemish between Pharaoh Necho and Nebuchad- 
nezzar in 604 B.C. (cf. Jeremiah 46). But the 
Oxford archeologist is now the British political 
officer representing the force that is pacifying and 



30 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

reconciling the wild Kurds and Arabs, and opening 
up ancient Mesopotamia as the modern granary of 
the East and a future outlet for India's overcrowded 
population. 

We traveled over the new Bagdad Railway line, 
with its permanent stone stations, its engines and 
cars bearing the names of the great manufacturing 
centers of Germany. We passed the wrecks of 
hundreds of German motor transport and supply 
trucks. The dream of a route to Bagdad as the 
monopoly of Prussia is being utilized, by a strange 
providence, for the opening of the Near East as the 
highway of modern democracy. We found the 
Euphrates bridge, as indeed most of Nearer Asia, 
held by the Sikhs, Pathans, and Gurkhas of India. 

From Palestine to Mesopotamia we followed the 
old caravan route over which Abraham entered the 
promised land, and where for centuries the traffic of 
the East has slowly wended its way. Today the rail- 
way through the Near East is pushing on to Bagdad. 
In our own day we probably shall be able to board 
a train in Paris — or London when the Channel 
tunnel is complete — and go, via Constantinople and 
Bagdad, through the Himalayas to Calcutta; or, 
across three continents through Constantinople and 
Cairo to the Cape in South Africa; or, across Central 
Asia through Bokhara to Shanghai and Peking. 

On our journey from Aleppo we passed northward 
over the grand Taurus mountains with their Cilician 



THE NEW NEAR EAST 31 

gates, across Asia Minor, through Adana and the 
region of the Armenian massacres. At last we 
arrived at Constantinople, and found it the crux 
and center of the problems that baffle and divide 
the modern, as they did the ancient world. 

One afternoon we stood on the old Seraglio Point 
with its proud palace of the Sultans. Before us lay 
the great city of Constantinople and about us on 
three sides the beautiful Bosphorus, the Golden 
Horn, and the Sea of Marmora. We had sipped 
Turkish coffee from the set of the Sultans in the 
Palace, and had looked over their portraits, from 
Osman the founder, down the long line of conquerors 
and rulers, ending with that of Abdul Hamid "the 
assassin." Behind us a mass of cloud hung black 
over the western sky, like the dark pall which has 
for centuries overshadowed the Muslim East. There 
stood the ancient walls and towering battlements of 
this city that was the bulwark of European civiliza- 
tion for a thousand years, and proudly withstood 
more than twenty sieges. 

Behind us lay the wreck of the dark past. But, on 
a sudden, the sun broke through the clouds, the 
black Bosphorus was blue again, and full in the sun- 
light, across the water, on the Asiatic shore, shone 
out the Florence Nightingale Hospital, and down 
the Bosphorus the towers of Robert College and the 
magnificent buildings of the American College for 
Girls, the Anglo-Saxon outposts of philanthropy and 



32 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

education heralding the dawn of a new day for the 
Near East. There in the contrast between the black 
cloud bank and the sunlit city, with its golden 
domes, we saw in parable the contrast between the 
old autocracy of the Sultans and the new demo- 
cracy, between the old militarism and the new 
freedom, the materialism of might and the spiritual 
power of right. 

This last promontory and outpost of Europe was 
the site of Greek Byzantium for a thousand years, 
from the seventh century B.C. After 330 A.D., 
when Constantine made it the capital of the Roman 
Empire, it became the most significant city on earth. 
It was long the "queen city" of Europe. For eight 
centuries it was the center of the civilization of 
the West and of the world's highest life. Here met 
the great councils of the Church and near by were 
formulated the creeds of Christendom. Here the 
Emperor Justinian erected the matchless cathedral 
of St. Sophia, probably the greatest edifice for 
Christian worship in the world. Here Chrysostom 
preached. Constantinople soon became the center 
of "Roman" law, art, culture, and wealth. 

We stood on the massive walls and ramparts of the 
city around which have fought the armies of Alex- 
ander and Demosthenes, Persians, Greeks, Huns, 
Tartars, Slavs, Crusaders, and Turks in turn. Even 
when it fell in 1453, its scholars and the scattered 
manuscripts of its libraries became the seed of the 



THE NEW NEAR EAST 33 

Renascence for the awakening of Europe. It is 
still the great queen city lying partly in Europe, 
partly in Asia, with its splendid harbor which can 
float a thousand ships. It is the world's strategic 
capital, joining two continents, two seas, two 
civilizations. Rising or falling, Constantinople has 
often been the world's pivot of destiny, the city of 
fate. It was the bulwark of Christendom in the 
Middle Ages. When the Muslims took the throne 
of the Caesars it became the center of the Muhamma- 
dan world. Its decay made it the crux of the ' ' Eastern 
question, " in the clash of thought and habit between 
Orient and Occident, the Eastern and Western 
Church, Christianity and Islam, the medieval and 
the modern world. It became the goal alike of Pan- 
Germanism and of Pan-Slavism. It was long the 
center of trade between the East and the West, but 
its fall to Islam left it stagnant on the back waters 
of the world, and drove Columbus and Vasco da 
Gama to the sea route to India, the discovery of 
America, and the opening of Africa. Thus the fall of 
Constantinople led to the strangulation of Nearer 
Asia, but the new Bagdad railway is opening it up 
once more as the world's great overland highway of 
the past and of the future. As Sir William Ramsay 
well says : "Constantinople is the center about which 
the world's history revolves. It is the bridge that 
binds together the East and the West, the old to the 
new civilization, which must be brought into harmony 



34 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

before the culmination of all civilization can appear, 
bringing peace on earth, good will to men. " 

In the thirteenth century the small and obscure 
tribe of Ottoman Turks, under their leader Osman, 
rose up in Asia Minor. From the year 1300, when 
Osman assumed the title of Sultan, the Turks swept 
on in their career of conquest until they were finally 
seated on the Byzantine throne." Their fighting 
forces were the Janissaries, largely sons of Christians 
whom they had captured. By intermarriage with 
these conquered races, their original Asiatic Tartar 
blood became prevailingly Caucasian and European. 
Thus the better families of Turks at present are 
white. The Ottomans today are supposed to number 
only some ten millions, the majority being found in 
Anatolia, in ancient Asia Minor. The remarkable 
influence gained by the Ottoman Turks was largely 
due to their possession of Constantinople with its 
great inheritance; but it was at once their glory and 
their undoing. The Sultan became the " Caliph," 
or successor of the prophet Muhammad, and the 
Arab was succeeded by the Turk. The capture of 
the city marked the beginning of their decadence, 
but the protection of Britain and the Concert of 
Europe, in upholding the Turk as a buffer against 
the menace of Russian autocracy, saved their 
empire from collapse. 

Turkish misrule culminated in the reign of Abdul 
Hamid, whom Mr. Gladstone called ''Abdul the 



THE NEW NEAR EAST 35 

Damned," the man who was responsible for the 
death or violation of over a million human beings, 
and who has a fair claim to be ranked among the 
greatest destroyers of the human race. In his own 
person he " embodied all the spiritual despair, all the 
moral decadence, all the physical degeneracy for 
which his regime stood." 

The Turks conquered what had once been the 
richest empire in the world, but they have made it a 
waste. Their rule for five centuries has been one of 
destruction, seldom one of construction. After long 
trial they have finally proved that they cannot 
govern other races. They have been weighed in the 
balances of civilization and found wanting. In the 
seventeenth century their rule was one of wild dis- 
order, lawlessness, and oppression. In the eighteenth 
indifference alternated with fanatical massacre. 
During the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries 
their persistent oppression has flamed out in at least 
six great massacres. We are compelled to recall 
these in order that we may rightly appraise the 
Turk's claim to self-determination now. 

In 1820-30 occurred the hideous massacres of the 
Greeks in Chios and Smyrna, and the cruel oppres- 
sion of Greece itself. 

In 1827, the Turks sold 40^000 of their subjects 
into slavery, and thousands of others were killed. 
Constantinople became the great slave market of 
the world. 



36 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

In 1876 came the Bulgarian massacres, when 
12,000 were killed in more than sixty villages. 

In 1895-6 nearly 200,000 Armenians were done 
to death. These atrocities called Gladstone from 
retirement at the age of eighty-six to protest against 
them. For the next twenty years massacres never 
wholly ceased. 

In 1909 Abdul Hamid again tried to exterminate 
the Armenians, his order to kill the Christians being 
read in the mosques. Some 200 villages were 
attacked and over 20,000 Christians were killed. 
We saw the Christian quarter which was destroyed 
at Adana, where Armenians were shot down as they 
tried to escape from the burning buildings, and the 
American missionaries Maurer and Rodgers were 
deliberately killed, without their government calling 
any one to account, though the murderers were well 
krjown. 

In 1915, during the War, the Young Turks de- 
ported, murdered, and starved to death some 
800,000. They then had a really free hand, and for 
the first time in two centuries the Christians were 
completely at their mercy. They boasted that they 
"had done more in three months than Abdul Hamid 
in thirty years." 

A full account of this effort to exterminate a whole 
nation will be found in the report of Lord Bryce on 
"The Treatment of Armenians in the Ottoman Em- 
pire." Conservative and fair as it is, it is one of the 



THE NEW NEAR EAST 37 

most terrible documents in history. It is confirmed 
in "Ambassador Morgenthau's Story." If any one 
is still incredulous he should read the revelations in 
the German account, "The Armenian Massacres, 
the Secret Report of Johannes Lepsius." 

All agree upon the main facts. The Young Turks 
had decided upon the murder of a nation. Two 
million Armenians were to be deported to the Syrian 
desert to die. The highways of Turkey were crowded, 
as the long-suffering Armenians were driven from 
the homes to which they had clung for 2,500 years. 
At one point 800,000 exiles were registered as having 
passed. The prisons were opened and criminals were 
turned upon the helpless throngs. "The Turkish 
roughs would fall upon the women, leaving them 
sometimes dead from their experiences or sometimes 
ravingly insane." Of one convoy of 18,000 from 
Harpoot only 150 finally reached Aleppo. "What 
had been a procession of normal human beings, be- 
came a stumbling horde of dust-covered skeletons, 
ravenously looking for scraps of food, eating any 
offal that came their way, prodded on by the whips 
and clubs and bayonets of their executioners." 

Mr. Morgenthau tells us that the Committee of 
Union and Progress met each night to find new and 
more diabolical means of torture for their Armenian 
subjects. At times even refined women were driven 
naked in gangs, and any college professor or person 
of influence was treated with especial cruelty. ' ' They 



38 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

would pull out his eyebrows and beard, almost hair 
by hair. They would extract his finger nails; they 
would apply red hot irons to his breast, tear off his 
flesh with red hot pincers, and then pour boiled 
butter into the wounds. While the sufferer writhed 
in agony they would cry, 'Now let your Christ come 
and help you.'" 1 Does the whole history of the 
human race contain another such episode? It is the 
climax of centuries of Turkish misrule of subject 
Christian races. 

As we crossed Turkey from Aleppo to Adana, 
Konia, and Constantinople, everywhere we saw signs 
of the recent massacres. We went through orphan- 
ages with their thousands of children whose parents 
had perished. We can never forget that scene at 
Aleppo as we picked our way among several thou- 
sand refugees sleeping upon the ground in the moon- 
light. Here were shattered families, returning by 
ones and twos and threes from the desert to which 
they had been driven. Five-sixths of the men had 
been killed. In one family of seventy-one relatives, 
only three were left alive. Daily as we passed 
through the cities of Turkey, girls were being rescued 
from Muslim homes. There was that fine of little 
girls at Adana, diseased, pregnant, and tattooed for 
life by their Arab captors. We saw girls of eight and 
nine who had been violated and infected. We saw 
Christian schools and orphanages where every girl 

1 "Ambassador Morgenthau's Story," p. 306. 



THE NEW NEAR EAST 39 

had been rescued from the Turk. These girls had 
been handed over to the brothels and to the rabble 
by the direct order of the government. This was 
the last act of the educated Young Turks, who had 
proclaimed in 1908 their constitution of "liberty, 
justice, equality, and fraternity." And these are 
the people who are now clamoring in the press for 
self-determination, and who want no foreign man- 
date. Talaat, Enver, and Djemal, the criminals who 
so successfully sought to exterminate their Christian 
subjects, are still at large and unpunished, ready to 
play their part in the new "Democracy." 

No other massacres in modern history can com- 
pare with those of the Turk. The massacre of the 
Albigenses only rose to 60,000; that of the Protes- 
tant Huguenots in France on St. Bartholomew's Day 
to 30,000; the Spanish Inquisition under Torque- 
mada to 8,000; the number of Jews deported from 
Spain to 160,000; the number killed under the Prus- 
sian occupation of Belgium, to about 5,000; while 
here in Turkey some 800,000 have been destroyed. 

This is only the consistent climax of centuries of 
misrule. But it is not the end. All over Anatolia 
today we found the Turks armed and the Armenians 
in imminent danger. The question is, shall the 
world be hoodwinked again? A four-fold cycle has 
repeated itself for centuries : (1) Bitter dissatisfaction 
with Turkish misrule among the subject Christian 
populations, leading to aspiration for political liberty 



40 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

and justice; (2) Turkish massacres and atrocities; 
(3) European interference, followed by Turkish 
promises of reform; (4) temporary cessation of 
hostilities, while the fires smolder until the next out- 
break. 

In a word, every case of Turkish rule on three con- 
tinents has been followed by a decline of prosperity 
and the crushing of subject races in their power, and 
every instance of release, by a rise in prosperity and 
culture. The question now is, Have we learned no 
lesson from these five centuries, and has the War 
been fought in vain so far as Turkey is concerned? 

If these centuries of misrule are the greatest blot 
upon the pages of modern history, who must bear 
the blame? It is idle to make a few individuals, like 
Abdul Hamid and the leaders of the Committee of 
Union and Progress, wholly responsible. Thousands 
took part in the atrocities, Young Turks or old 
Turks; for centuries this story has been repeated, 
and at no time have Christian people been in greater 
danger than at the present moment in Turkey. Does 
the cause lie inherent in the Turkish people or in 
their religion? 

It would be a mistake to suppose that the Turks 
as a race are naturally vicious and depraved. Like 
all races, they are largely the product of their en- 
vironment. Their faults are sociological rather than 
biological, accidental rather than inherent. The 
bravery of the Turks as fighters has always been 



THE NEW NEAR EAST 41 

acknowledged, and nowhere more than at Gallipoli. 
They are, on the whole, good-natured and peaceable. 
The vast mass of them belong to the sober, hard- 
working peasantry, wedded to the soil in Asia Minor, 
where they are by turns active and indolent, merci- 
ful and cruel. Where Turkish students meet on a 
basis of equality in competition with the other 
students of the Near East, they are not to be de- 
spised as regards either bravery, courtesy, cleanli- 
ness, skill in athletics, intellectual ability as students, 
or other qualities. As a people, the Turks are clean, 
sober, obedient, well disciplined, contented, and rev- 
erent. The raw stuff of humanity is always great, 
and of no race is this more true than of the Turks. 
Like every other people they have been dominated 
by their religion, and they have long dwelt under the 
influence of Islam. What has been its effect upon 
them? Has it made them truthful? Has it given 
them moral character and discipline? Has it made 
them tolerant or capable of ruling others with justice? 
Has it promoted education and progress? Why is it 
that wherever the Turk has conquered, oppression 
begins and civilization degenerates? We believe the 
answer is to be found in his religion. 

In seeking to estimate the influence of Islam, let 
us gladly admit its good qualities. It has stood for 
a bold and consistent monotheism in the midst of 
idolatry. It has lifted to a higher level the divided 
and degraded polytheists of Arabia and the savage 



42 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

cannibals of Africa. It has united a wide Muslim 
fraternity, democratic within its own community. 
By its stern law and its promise of rewards and 
punishments it has held men to a certain moral 
standard. It has called its followers to prayer and 
worship, without fear or shame, all over the world. 
It has produced a deep and devout mysticism among 
an earnest minority. It has taught temperance and 
inculcated an obedience, an enthusiasm, and a 
missionary zeal that put many indifferent Christians 
to shame. 

But truth compels us to mention the inherent 
defects both in its theory and in its practice. God 
is not a loving Father in Heaven, but a benevolent 
despot, a " Sultan in the sky." 2 Man is a submissive 
slave, without the glad sense of sonship. He is under 
a hard legalism with no good news of redemption. 
He is in subjection to the absolute despotism of the 
Caliph, or successor of the Prophet, without the 
liberty of representative government. If an un- 
believer, he may be tolerated in slavery, or treated 
kindly as one would treat a pet dog, but he has no 
rights of citizenship or of justice before an equal 
law. In Turkey, with no separation of the state 
from religion, he has no liberty of conscience to 
choose or change his religion. 

Islam teaches propaganda by the sword, not by 

2 See "The Riddle of Nearer Asia/' pp. 72-79, by Basil 
Mathews, to whom we are indebted in this chapter. 



THE NEW NEAR EAST 43 

a cross of sacrifice. It tends to be fixed and immo- 
bile and it has petrified progress. It has cast its 
deepest shadow over womanhood, in its sanction of 
polygamy, concubinage, and unlimited divorce. It 
has made many a home a harem. It has made provi- 
sion for the lust of the flesh and at times has sanc- 
tioned immorality. It teaches the Jihad, or holy 
war, for the extermination of the unbeliever who 
dares resist, and has substituted massacre for mercy. 

The one problem of Nearer Asia is Islam. And the 
fruit of Islam is — Turkey. A deep melancholy falls 
upon us as we contemplate this blight upon the 
peoples of the Near East, with all their splendid 
potentiality. All Nearer Asia bears witness that 
Islam always finds, or makes, a desert. As the Bul- 
garian proverb says, "Grass dies under the Turkish 
hoof." 

Under Turkish rule, we saw Palestine, the land of 
milk and honey, with its once terraced vineyards and 
olive orchards, now a waste for wandering Bedouins. 
We saw Mesopotamia, once the garden of Babylon 
and the granary of the East, now a stretch of fever 
swamps and a wilderness for jackals, under Turkish 
neglect. We journeyed over Asia Minor among the 
scenes of the Apostle Paul, the herald of European 
civilization. There lay the wastes of Ephesus and 
Iconium, and the grandeur of the past crumbled in 
dust amid the filth of modern Turkish cities, where 
on the fertile and once rich plateau of Anatolia only 



44 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

one-twentieth of the land is under cultivation. From 
Cairo to Constantinople one sees the wreck of the 
Turkish Empire, only redeemed where Britain or 
some other foreign power has undertaken responsi- 
bility. We found need in China, poverty and famine 
in India, but personally we have seen nowhere on 
earth such corruption and bad government as in 
Turkey. 

One of two forces must dominate the Near East: 
the law of Islam, or the principles of Jesus Christ; 
the sword of force, or the cross of sacrifice. Side by 
side with the sway of Muhammadanism, a new force 
has quietly entered Turkey — that of vital Chris- 
tianity. 

Christian philanthropy in the Near East has al- 
ready established a long and noble record. As early 
as the thirteenth century, Raymond Lull, perse- 
cuted, imprisoned, and banished, was finally stoned 
to death, in his eightieth year, dying in 1325 as the 
first martyr of the Muslims. Henry Martyn laid 
down his life for them at Tokat in Turkey in 1812. 
In 1819 the American Board sent out two mission- 
aries to the Near East, while Smyrna and Beirut 
were entered in 1820, and Constantinople in 1821. 
The American Board has undertaken responsibility 
for Turkey and Bulgaria; the Presbyterian Board 
for Syria and Persia, and the Methodists have 
carried on work in Serbia. A chain of American 
colleges and high schools has been established 



THE NEW NEAR EAST 45 

across the Near East, like great lighthouses in the 
center of darkness. 

We visited Robert College in Constantinople, 
standing above the Bosphorus in full view of the 
city. It has done a wonderful work of reconstruc- 
tion in the Turkish Empire, and is sending leaders 
throughout the entire Near East. The graduates of 
this college have been prominent in almost every 
cabinet and progressive enterprise in Bulgaria in the 
last two decades. Its graduates are leaders among 
the young Greeks, Armenians, and Turks. We also 
saw the Syrian Protestant College in Beirut, with 
nearly 1,000 students, which is exercising such a re- 
markable influence. 

These colleges are on a level with our American 
universities in efficiency. Their faculties of science 
and medicine are producing the doctors and sanitary 
experts so needed in Turkey. Those of engineering, 
history, law, and theology are sending out railway 
builders, teachers and professors, professional men, 
officials, and ministers — men with anew moral charac- 
ter, a spiritual message, and a leadership that is the 
supreme need in this period of reconstruction. 

The American College for Girls in Constantinople 
is training the teachers, the reformers, the mothers 
of the new womanhood of Turkey. The colleges 
in Harpoot, Aintab, Marsovan, Tarsus, Smyrna, 
and the other strategic centers of the Near East are 
the hope of its future. Gladstone wrote, "The 



46 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

American missions in Turkey have done more good 
to the inhabitants of that country than has all 
Europe combined." Rear Admiral Chester of the 
American Navy said: "The eight colleges, the forty- 
four high schools, and the three hundred common 
schools of the educational system of the American 
missions have left the masses with high ideals, the 
knowledge of true institutions, and longings for 
better government." 

The forces of vital Christianity are being brought 
to bear upon the Near East along four converging 
lines. There are these American colleges and schools 
which, as we have shown, are training the Christian 
leaders of the new Turkey. There are the hospitals 
and the work of relief for the starving refugees, as a 
practical demonstration of Christian philanthropy. 
There are the churches, which must furnish the 
radiating centers of the new life and its message of 
hope. And there is the Young Men's Christian 
Association, as a rallying center, uniting the gradu- 
ates of the colleges and the leaders of the divided and 
unrelated churches, endeavoring to develop a Chris- 
tian nucleus, through which to reach and help non- 
Christian young men. It may thus furnish a bridge 
or connecting link between Christians and non- 
Christians, and reach, by its many lines of approach 
and practical helpfulness, prejudiced classes of young 
men who would not dare to enter any church. 

Most of all we were impressed by the heroic work 



THE NEW NEAR EAST 47 

of the missionaries. Here is a single typical ex- 
ample. At Konia, the turbulent center of modern 
Turkey, the site of ancient Iconium, where the 
Apostle Paul escaped with his life, we found a cheer- 
ful and indomitable American woman, Miss Cush- 
man. Of powerful frame and Napoleonic character, 
she is unconsciously, but not unworthily, a successor 
of the great Apostle who labored here. For many 
years she has lived out her religion, with an influence 
that has radiated far and wide through the whole 
countryside. For two years during the War she 
stood alone and faced the forces of destruction that 
raged around her. The Turkish governor had just 
arrived, fresh from the slaughter of 25,000 victims 
in Sivas, and still thirsting for blood. Thousands of 
Armenian exiles were passing through the city as 
they were driven to the desert. For months, an 
average of 30,000 at a time were on her hands, often 
half starving. As she followed the convoys she found 
the dead left unburied, and vultures following the 
stragglers. Here were dogs eating little children, 
and old women, unable to walk, crawling about look- 
ing for scraps of food or offal. 

As fresh convoys arrived, the Government was un- 
willing that they should be fed or kept alive by her, 
and tried to thwart her efforts. At night soldiers 
and ruffians prowled about the camps of refugees 
carrying off young girls by hundreds. Most of them 
never returned. All night the exiles watched in 



48 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

terror to protect their children. For a year these 
deportations continued. Five times Miss Cushman's 
life was threatened, and once she was dragged to the 
police station at night, but was rescued at the last 
moment. At the price of one of her buildings she 
purchased her life from the governor. But she 
would not escape to safety and leave her Christian 
girls to the wolves of lust. No girl over eight years 
of age was safe. At the risk of her own life she pro- 
tected hundreds in secret. 

When all others had fled she remained at her post. 
She received and cared for the British prisoners from 
Kut, who had been driven across the desert, robbed, 
knifed, and done to death. Even when they reached 
her hospital they died of dysentery by scores. Dur- 
ing the latter part of the War she was acting as consul 
for thirteen nationalities, conducting their corres- 
pondence and caring for their prisoners. With one 
hand she administered a fund of over $1,000,000 for 
the relief of the prisoners and citizens of these thir- 
teen nations — Britain, France, Russia, Italy, and 
the rest — while with the other, she distributed with 
consummate ability nearly an equal amount in relief 
for starving Armenians, Greeks, and other Chris- 
tians. We saw the churches, schools, orphanages, 
hospitals, and relief institutions which she is con- 
ducting today. We saw the forces of destruction, 
rapine, and robbery about her, and then saw her 
with her assistants marshaling her little army of 



THE NEW NEAR EAST 49 

orphans from the wreck of slaughtered families, 
teaching, drilling, instructing them in vocational 
training, and heroically trying to build up a new and 
better Turkey out of the havoc of centuries. 

Her troubles are not yet over. Even as we write, 
she is living on the thin crust of a volcano. The 
Turks of the whole countryside are armed. They 
have marked down the "ungrateful" Armenians. 
Murders are occurring quietly all the time. Alone this 
woman faces a population of some 70,000 and an armed 
countryside, backed only by seventy-one good stal- 
wart "Tommies " of the British Army. But she and 
they keep order. Across the length and breadth of 
Asia and Africa such little handfuls of British and 
Indian soldiers are keeping the peace of the world 
today. It is yet to be seen whether America will lift 
a hand to restore law and order in any part of the 
world that is not provincially her own, or whether 
she will decide that "it does not pay." 

It is the fashion in some quarters to speak with 
complacent patronage or contempt of "these mission- 
aries," but, like this brave woman, they are the out- 
posts of spiritual empire, the heralds of law and 
order and good government, of philanthropy, sani- 
tation, education, civilization. The question is, 
Shall we back up this modern apostle and the 
little handful of our representatives who are try- 
ing to make the Near East a part of Everybody's 
World? 



50 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

On the one hand Mustapha Kemal is already- 
marshaling 30,000 armed Turks for the next massa- 
cre. On the other, we see the thousands of orphans 
all over Turkey being trained by the missionary 
forces of construction, for a higher civilization. We 
see the decimated churches of Marsovan, without 
one pastor or priest left alive after the massacres, 
trying to reorganize their life; the schools and col- 
leges reassembling, with many of their teachers and 
professors missing. Which of these forces is to 
triumph in Turkey? The answer may depend upon 
whether America will establish a just government 
and give the forces of construction a chance. Up 
to the time of the War, although some thousands of 
Muhammadans in India had become Christians 
under a free government, no single convert from 
Islam in Turkey was allowed to live openly as a 
Christian in his own home. 

The people of Turkey today, however, are show- 
ing signs of a change of attitude. Before the revolu- 
tion of 1908 few Muslims dared attend a Christian 
institution. As we left Turkey, the Muslims were 
beseeching the missionaries to take their children into 
their already overcrowded schools. Nine-tenths of 
the Muslim women on the streets now walk 
unveiled, and the women are taking things into 
their own hands and are leading the way in reforms. 
Given a good government, we shall now witness a 
decade of advance in the whole lif e of Turkey. 



THE NEW NEAR EAST 51 

We traveled in the train with a broad-minded 
young Muslim who shows the influence upon him 
of both Christianity and Islam. He was a professor 
in the Imperial Ottoman University, and was ban- 
ished by the Committee of Union and Progress. 

In answer to our questions, the young man frank- 
ly stated his position : 

"Turkey is in a sad state today, because she made 
the fatal blunder of entering the War against the 
Allies, who were her best friends. Indeed all Mu- 
hammadan countries are today backward and un- 
progressive. The Committee of Union and Progress 
are real Bolshevists who betrayed Turkey. The 
only hope for our country is for America or England 
to take the mandate, for the Turks have shown that 
they cannot govern themselves, and if the mandate 
is given to Turkey they will allow no religious 
liberty, and fresh massacres will at once begin. We 
should prefer a mandate from America, because she 
is disinterested and would encourage us in self- 
government as soon as we were capable of it. 

"Turkey greatly needs the moral earnestness of 
Anglo-Saxon education today; that of the Latin 
countries is too frivolous and worldly. Religiously 
I believe both in Muhammad and in Christ as the 
Sinless Prophet. Spiritually I would place Him 
above Muhammad who, in fact, confessed his own 
shortcomings. I am a Muhammadan because of 
geography. From my father I received my ideas, 
traditions, and religion. " 

This young Muslim is exceedingly anxious to 
study in America. We heard him sing a Christian 



52 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

hymn, and saw his life unconsciously influenced by 
Christian principles. He is typical of a growing 
class in Turkey. 

If we may judge from the analogy of India and 
other countries, three things will result from the 
contact between Christianity and Islam: (1) There 
will be a number of individuals who will come out 
boldly and become Christians. (2) Eclectic systems 
and halfway houses will be formed, like the Brahmo 
Samaj in India, or Bahaism in Persia and Syria, 
where men will try to draw the best from both 
religions, seeking to repudiate the evils of Islam 
and to lead in various reform movements. (3) Islam 
itself will undergo radical changes. There will 
inevitably take place, spontaneously or forcibly, the 
much needed separation of church and state. Islam 
will have to face the disintegrating forces of modern- 
ism, of scientific education, of historical criticism of 
the Quran and of the life and moral standards of 
Muhammad. It will have to readjust itself to the 
modern world without the power of the Caliph's 
sword, or the prestige of political rule over subject 
races. With new liberty, many will rise to higher 
standards of life. 

It is held by most, Muslims and Christians alike, 
that Islam will not and cannot be reformed. It is 
our belief that it can and will. It has already changed 
in many ways, and is even now rapidly undergoing 
modification, but the years after the War will bring 



THE NEW NEAR EAST 53 

the most sweeping changes of all. However unsatis- 
factory it may be from a Christian standpoint, we see 
nothing to prevent a reformed Islam from becoming an 
eclectic unitarianism, receiving most of its higher 
spiritual ideals from Christianity, but still calling 
itself Islam. Those Muslims will believe, with a recent 
writer, in "a living and a loving God." They may 
even claim, with modern Hindus, that the essence of 
their religion is "the Fatherhood of God and the 
Brotherhood of Man," although the idea of divine 
fatherhood and sonship is now so repugnant to them, 
because carnally conceived of. They will deal 
leniently with the practices of Muhammad, as we 
do with those of David. They may outgrow poly- 
gamy, as in Old Testament times. They will re- 
pudiate slavery, and the slaughter of unbelievers, as 
we do the Spanish inquisition and the burning of 
witches. They may take the character and teaching 
of Jesus as the higher spiritual source of their religion. 
They will undoubtedly institute reforms for the 
emancipation of women and for the purification of 
home life and the social order. The result would be 
a unitarian combination of Christian principles and 
of reformed Islam. This we have already seen taking 
place in the lives of Muhammadan inquirers both 
in India and in Turkey. One thing is certain, Islam 
must change or die. 

Before considering the question of the mandate 
for Turkey, let us note the condition of the country. 



54 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

Ancient Asia Minor, or modern Anatolia and Armenia, 
consists for the most part of a high plateau with great 
agricultural and mineral wealth, and a good climate. 
It has an area of about 200,000 square miles, equal 
to Wyoming and Colorado, with a population of 
about 11,000,000, although it could sustain many 
times that number. We were surprised to find that it 
resembled our best western states in America, with 
wide, fertile, unfenced fields, lying level to the foot of 
the blue mountains. It was dotted with a few villages 
surrounded by abundant harvests, the oxen tread- 
ing out the corn on the primitive threshing floors. 
We saw harvests of corn, wheat, and tobacco, and 
orchards of delicious fruit, on the small portion of 
land that is at present utilized after centuries of 
neglect and bad government. 

The peasants follow the same primitive methods 
of agriculture as those described here by Xenophon 
in the "Anabasis." But the land is admirably 
adapted to modern machinery, and we saw the first 
great tractor ploughs in use. In minerals, the country 
is rich in copper and iron, and especially in coal. 
Turkey has abundant undeveloped resources. Her 
debt is not great, and if it were fairly divided between 
all parts of her empire, she would emerge from the 
War financially almost next to the United States 
in the proportion of her resources to her liabilities. 
The country will pay for itself if any honest nation 
unselfishly takes the mandate. It would rise with a 



THE NEW NEAR EAST 55 

bound under good government, as did Egypt under 
Lord Cromer's regime. Although loans would have 
to be advanced, it would pay all costs, and after a 
generation it would be able to stand on its own feet, 
a resource and not a liability to the world, a credit 
instead of the world's disgrace. 

Two parties are crystallizing in Turkey, the Nation- 
alists and the Conservatives. The Nationalists 
contain many of the old progressive party, who 
repudiate the crimes of the Committee of Union 
and Progress, although it is to be feared that danger- 
ous Young Turks are altogether too powerful an 
element. They have recently held three conferences 
in different parts of Turkey and are asking that Amer- 
ica should take the mandate for the country. One 
section of this party has sent a strong request for an 
American mandate. 

The Conservative Party is that of the Sultan and 
the Sheik ul Islam, the religious leaders and reaction- 
aries. They want to strengthen Islam and dominate 
it from Constantinople. They desire Turkey for 
the Turks, and hope to pass the present crisis, as 
they have so many others, by repeating the old empty 
promises of reform. They are also backed by certain 
foreign influences. 

The one supreme question of the day is, What is 
to be done with Turkey? The welfare of the Near 
East and the peace of the world are concerned in the 
answer. Four plans are proposed, an American man- 



56 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

date, a British mandate, a Turkish mandate, or 
Turkey divided among the powers. Of the four 
proposals, we believe that the first — that of an 
American mandate — would be best for Turkey, for 
America herself, and for the welfare of the world, 
which must suffer if Turkey is misgoverned. 

In the opinion of representative Englishmen, there 
are strong reasons against a British mandate. Great 
Britain has already undertaken all that she can do. 
While India is surging with a new nationalism, 
England has established a protectorate over turbu- 
lent Egypt, and incorporated it in the Empire. She 
proposes to undertake the costly responsibility for 
the whole of Mesopotamia, for Persia — although 
guaranteeing her independence — for Afghanistan, 
and the lands contiguous to India. She is already 
involved in Arabia. It would be folly for her in addi- 
tion to undertake the whole of Turkey, and to 
face the possibility at some future time of the oppo- 
sition of the entire Muhammadan world within her 
Empire. Moreover, she has emerged from the War 
with a heavy debt and her resources will be strained 
to the utmost to develop what she has already under- 
taken. 

There are the strongest reasons against leaving the 
Turks in full possession. They have proved as in- 
capable of governing other races as they have of 
honest, efficient, and progressive self-government. 
Throughout Turkey Armenians are already marked 



THE NEW NEAR EAST 57 

down for slaughter. At the last audience given by 
the Sultan, the Jews were present and protested 
their loyalty; the Armenians and Greeks were 
noticeably absent. The Turks will take their revenge 
as soon as they can. 

The little Armenian Republic in the Russian 
Trans-Caucasus is now hemmed in on three sides. 
On the north are the Georgians, on the southeast 
the Tartars, while a Turkish army of some 30,000 
under Mustapha Kemal, formerly the Inspector 
General of the Ottoman army, is waiting on the south- 
west, and the 1,000,000 Armenians in the Republic 
have but 8,000 armed men. There are also 350,000 
Armenians who had been driven in from Turkey as 
refugees, but they are not a fighting force. A French 
officer who had just returned informed us that 
15,000 Armenians were killed in the month of 
August alone. If Asia Minor is handed back to the 
Turks, the civilized world should demand not only 
the trial of the murderers of the 800,000 Armenians 
already killed, but also that of the men at the Peace 
Conference who turn this people over to slaughter 
and extinction. 

The fourth possibility, that of the partition of 
Turkey, would be almost as disastrous as a mandate 
to the Turks themselves. It would be impossible 
to have a unified policy and to do justice to the 
score of peoples amid the "restless tossing of long 
enthralled nationalities. " The reforms of one power 



58 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

would be defeated by the next. It would lead to 
friction, international jealousy, and dissension. It 
would be costly and would bleed Turkey to death. 
It would almost certainly end in war. 

The first possibility is then left for consideration. 
It is our belief that America should not accept a 
mandate for Armenia alone. It would be impossible 
thus to protect the Armenian people, to uplift the 
Turk, or to unify Turkey. It would leave America 
to do all the "dirty work" without the resources at 
hand to make it a success. We believe that she 
should take three mandates for Constantinople, 
Anatolia, and Armenia, or one mandate for Turkey, 
with a free hand to subdivide it into three or more 
provinces. And she should take all three or none. 

Why should America accept a mandate for 
Turkey? We believe that there are strong reasons 
for our doing so. 

1. To fulfil the aims for which we entered the 
War, that its great sacrifice may not have been in 
vain, but that liberty and justice and righteousness 
may be established in the world. 

2. Because it is our duty to take some adequate 
share in world reconstruction. Before the War 
Great Britain, with a population of only 45,000,000, 
had undertaken responsibility for some 323,000,000 
in Asia, and 50,000,000 in Africa. She is now adding 
Mesopotamia, Persia, and other sections of Asia and 
Africa. With a population of 100,000,000, and vast 



THE NEW NEAR EAST 59 

resources, why could not the United States under- 
take the 11,000,000 of Turkey in Asia? 

3. Because America is trusted as is no other 
nation in the Near East. The people desire our help 
and are ready to receive it. Our treatment of Cuba 
and the Philippines is often quoted in the East. 
As we traveled from Cairo to Constantinople we 
found nearly all the peoples of Nearer Asia asking 
for an American mandate as their first choice. 

4. Because America, from the very nature of her 
principles and institutions, and from her neutral 
and safe geographical location which makes the 
acquisition of further territory unnecessary, stands 
in a position to render a larger unselfish service for 
Turkey 's own good than any other power. 

5. Because of our stake and investment already in 
Turkey. America alone has been conducting mis- 
sions here on a large scale for a century. America 
has invested in men and buildings, in colleges, 
hospitals, and relief institutions. We either have 
to back up this investment or lose it. We have to 
finish our task or run the risk of seeing the work of a 
century ruined, and our missionaries driven out. 

6. Because of our responsibility to the Armenians. 
The Armenian people seem to be, in a special sense, 
the wards of the United States. Their record is their 
appeal. Let us consider it thoughtfully. 

Centering in Mount Ararat, the territory of 
Armenia is about 80,000 square miles, or about the 



60 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

size of Kansas, divided between the Turkish, Rus- 
sian, and Persian districts. There are about 1,000- 
000 Armenians in Turkey, 1,200,000 in the Russian 
Caucasus, 50,000 in Persia, and 100,000 in the 
United States. 

As early as 700 B.C. the Armenians were a strong 
and sturdy race. The people were marked by their 
knowledge, enterprise, intelligence, business capa- 
city, and strength of character. Like ourselves 
they are of the Indo-European race, and like the 
Jews they have been persecuted and scattered 
throughout the world, and have been subjected to a 
long series of massacres. At times they were for- 
bidden to speak the Armenian language, the penalty 
being to have their tongues torn out. Capable, 
educated, and thrifty, they excited the jealousy of 
their Turkish rulers because of their superior intel- 
ligence and prosperity, and were subjected to every 
injustice and indignity. Their schools were closed, 
their homes burnt, their property seized, their 
women violated. 

For a thousand years Armenians have been the 
most persecuted people in the world. In the seventh 
century, they were conquered and ruled by the 
Arabs, and later by the Kurds. For three centuries 
following, they were swept by the invasions of a long 
succession of nomadic tribes. Still they maintained 
their existence as a Christian kingdom in the midst 
of the Muslims. After the fall of Constantinople in 



THE NEW NEAR EAST 61 

1453, they were subjected for five centuries to the 
Turkish yoke, with frequent outbreaks of persecu- 
tion. Europe demanded reforms, but massacre 
followed massacre in succession. 

Although they were the first to receive Chris- 
tianity as a united nation, the Christian nations 
have looked on, as at a Roman spectacle, and have 
seen these persecuted people butchered decade after 
decade. Surely the time has come, if we are to main- 
tain our self-respect as members of a Christian 
civilization, when we must see that justice is done to 
long-suffering Armenia. An era of reconstruction 
must follow the massacres of the past. To these 
people with their sense of nationality, their patriot- 
ism, and their Christianity, never crushed through 
centuries of persecution, we must come with relief. 

The Armenians are enterprising and tenacious. 
Before the War they conducted the bulk of the trade 
of inland Anatolia. But we should help these people 
with our eyes open. They have the inevitable faults 
of a subject and persecuted race, like the Jews of 
Russia. What they most need is not charity but 
good government and a chance to five. Wealthy 
Armenians possess enough to care for their own 
people if some one will keep the Turks from their 
throats. 

The task is not impossible nor impracticable. A 
relatively small force of either American or British 
troops could quickly restore order. The whole 



62 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

government of Turkey could be made self-supporting. 
Even on the lowest grounds it would pay materially. 
But on higher grounds it is right. The most perse- 
cuted people on earth look to America as the nation 
best able to help them. Is her answer to be one of 
provincial selfishness or sacrificial service? Shall 
Armenia and Turkey both have their part in Every- 
body's World? 

We recently passed the spot where the Asiatic, 
Paul, crossed from Asia into Europe with the germin- 
al message and dynamic power that were to produce, 
in spite of all persecution or barbarous opposition, 
a Christian civilization. The hour has now come 
when those Christian forces must be carried from the 
West back to the East. The Macedonian cry of 
human need, "Come over and help us," which 
brought the Apostle Paul from Asia Minor to 
Europe, now calls us back to the very province which 
gave us the moral, spiritual, and social forces of our 
civilization. 

As we go to press we receive the Appeal sent by the 
Parliament of the Armenian Republic to America, 
Great Britain, France, and the powers represented 
at the Peace Conference. 

"Encouraged by the inaction and silence of the 
Great Powers, hordes of Turks, Kurds, and Tartars, 
led by officers of the Regular Turkish Army, have 
begun another invasion of the Republic. Once more 
. . . the implacable enemy is massacring the villagers 



THE NEW NEAR EAST 63 

and laying waste the land. Armenia today is left to 
face alone her secular persecutors with an utterly 
inadequate supply of arms and munitions. And 
it is thus, after the triumph of the Allies, the Arme- 
nian people, in order to defend its very existence, 
has to wage an unequal fight in the worst pos- 
sible conditions. We make this final appeal to the 
conscience of the civilized world, warning it of 
the danger of our definitive annihilation." 

What shall the answer be? 



Ill 

THE APPEAL OF RUSSIA 

Russia has long been a land of mystery and 
of paradox. Here is a great nation that seems 
to have been marked for suffering, through 
long centuries of chastening discipline. Here is a 
people who grip the heart and appeal to the imag- 
ination. As you live among them, sympathize and 
suffer with them, their need is branded upon 
your very soul. As the writer visited Russia, he 
found that the appeal which it made was utterly 
unique. 

Russia impresses us first by its sheer mass 
and magnitude. It is colossal and continental. 
Whatever may be its fate in the future, as it 
entered the War it was one of the four giant 
countries of the world. These four nations taken 
together, the British Empire, Russia, China, and 
the United States, hold approximately three-fifths 
of the land area of the globe, and embrace two- 
thirds of its population. The remaining more than 
sixty independent governments all together have 
but two-fifths of the land and one-third of 
the earth's population. The Russian Empire at 
the opening of the War contained nearly one- 
sixth of the land area of the globe, and one- 
ninth of its population. Stated in tabular form 

64 



THE APPEAL OF RUSSIA 65 

in round numbers, the relative position of the four 
great nations is as follows : 

Wealth 
Population Per Cent Approx. Area Per Cent in 
Country in of Millions of of World Billions 

Millions World Pop. Sq. Miles Surface of Dlrs. 

Russia 182 11.1 8% 16.6 40 

United States 120 7.1 3M 5. 230 

British Empire 438 25. 13H 25. 130 

China 400 25. 4H 7.1 40 

The World 1700 100. 57 100. 720 

Russia when united is the largest homogeneous 
state in the world, as well as the most inaccessible 
and isolated of the large nations. We do not realize 
that the area of the Russian Empire is twice that of 
all the rest of Europe, more than twice that of 
the United States, larger than the two continents of 
North and South America. To compare it with the 
other nations at the beginning of the War, it con- 
tains approximately forty times the area of France, 
or Germany, or Japan; and 800 times that of Bel- 
gium. This vast section of the globe must be reck- 
oned with. The land consists of one mighty, scarce- 
ly broken plain stretching from the shores of the 
Baltic across the broad plateau of Russia and Siberia 
for over 6,000 miles to the Pacific. Although it 
belongs to the temperate zone, it is a land of 
fierce extremes both in climate and in the character 
of its people. Untempered by the sea, it is covered 
with one vast sheet of snow in the cold, clear, dry 
winter, and is a land of high temperatures in the 
summer. 



66 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

In 1914, weakened by internal dissension, the 
masses of Russia, ignorant of the secret negotiations 
between the Hohenzollerns, Hapsburgs, and Roman- 
offs, entered the War, and toiled, fought, and died 
to satisfy the dynastic ambitions of those for whom 
so many generations had suffered. The Russians 
were unprepared for war, often betrayed by their 
pro-German bureaucratic leaders who deliberately 
withheld munitions, while the Germans, well know- 
ing their condition, mowed them down in front, often 
at point blank range, or shot them down in the long 
retreats through the marshes. 

During the recent War, Russia suffered more than 
any other great nation. She had called to the colors 
more than 13,000,000 men, the largest army ever 
assembled by any one nation in history. Some 
3,000,000 soldiers died of wounds, disease, neglect, 
or starvation. Some 2,000,000 more were confined 
in the prisons of Germany and Austria, returning, 
if at all, often as mere skeletons to die upon the 
road, or to fall an easy prey to disease. Multi- 
tudes throughout the land perished from poverty 
and disease, famine and revolution. Attacked from 
without, betrayed from within, famished, starving, 
Russia still suffered on. Owing to the shortage of 
shells and munitions many of the troops were left 
unarmed, betrayed by Stunner and their pro- 
German leaders. Some had to fight with sticks and 
stones. At last, worn out by suffering and privation 



THE APPEAL OF RUSSIA 67 

and with no faith left in their Government, the cry 
of starving Russia went up for "peace, land, bread." 

Until March, 1917, Russia was still an Empire. 
On March 11th, despite the overwhelming demand 
for freedom made to the Czar, he issued a ukase 
suspending the sitting of the Duma. The Duma, 
however, unanimously refused to dissolve. The 
Czar, who was at the front, started for the capital 
and while on the way was compelled to sign his 
abdication. 

The three chief elements that brought about the 
Revolution of 1917 were found in the first Lvoff 
ministry : Prince Lvoff, representing the group of big 
business men and large land owners; Professor Mil- 
yukof, the leader of the Constitutional Democrats, 
representing the liberal middle class, or moderate 
reformers; and M. Kerensky, Minister of Justice, 
a revolutionary Socialist, representing the third and 
more powerful group of peasants, workingmen, and 
soldiers. When this ministry failed to satisfy the 
radical demands of the people, Lvoff was forced to 
resign and Kerensky came for a short time into 
power. By November, 1917, the more radical 
leaders of the workingmen and soldiers began to 
rebel against Kerensky, as he had failed to procure a 
joint declaration of the allied powers renouncing all 
imperialistic aims, in harmony with the principles of 
the Russian Revolution, and had also failed to ob- 
tain an early peace. 



68 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

Social revolution in Russia has been due to the 
development of primitive communism, and to a 
synthesis of the philosophy of the social revolution- 
ists with the German Socialism of Karl Marx, 
centralized, organized, materialistic, and irreligious. 
The Bolsheviki soon secured control of the Soviets, 
or workingmen's councils, tending to exclude all 
others. They promised the people what they most 
wanted, land and peace. They organized the Red 
Guard by arming workmen in the factories, and 
outbid Kerensky for the support of the Army by 
their program of immediate peace, the distribution 
of land, the turning over of industries to the work- 
ers, and giving all power to the Soviets. 

The Bolsheviki were under the leadership of 
Nikolai Lenin, who had returned to Russia from 
Switzerland via Germany to carry on his agi- 
tation to end the War. He stood for the doctrine 
of the materialistic German Socialism of Karl 
Marx, to sweep away all social classes and national 
political states, and substitute the international 
socialistic rule of the proletariat or working classes 
for the system of capitalism and imperialism. On 
November 7th the Bolshevik leaders seized Petrograd 
and declared themselves to be the Government. A 
new cabinet was formed with Lenin as Prime 
Minister, and Trotzky Secretary of Foreign Affairs. 
By a series of decrees property was seized and given 
to citizens who had no dwelling. Factories were 



THE APPEAL OF RUSSIA 69 

handed over to the possession of the workingmen. 
Private ownership of land was declared null and 
void. All land was nationalized and turned over to 
the people. The collapse of Russia began with the 
demoralization of the army in the appointment of 
committees of soldiers. Authority was transferred 
from the officers to the soldiers, discipline broke 
down, and the retreat in Galicia began. Soldiers 
poured back into the cities in hungry mobs, calling 
for bread. The Bolsheviki finally signed the humil- 
iating treaty with Germany at Brest-Litovsk, which 
passed into effect December 7, 1917. 

By the end of the year Russia was drifting toward 
a state of chaos. Finland declared her independence. 
The Ukraine, Siberia, the Caucasus, Turkestan, 
the Poles, Cossacks, Muhammadans and Tartars 
set up their own governments, largely isolating 
Russia. The phrase, "Now we are free," swept 
away all control and restraint. Soldiers needed no 
longer to obey or to fight. Laborers did not need to 
work. Corruption became more rampant. Private 
property almost disappeared. Capital largely ceased 
to be productive. The national revenue became al- 
most nil. Russia was relapsing into the primitive 
condition of humanity, which had prevailed over 
much of early history. Property was confiscated, 
some banks were closed, others were nationalized, 
business was paralyzed, discipline was undermined, 
trade gave place to barter, paper money be- 



70 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

came almost valueless, famine stared the people in 
the face. According to the Petrograd dailies, men 
and women frequently dropped in the streets over- 
come by sheer hunger. Recent months have seen 
great efforts along constructive lines, but there was 
no indication of any such in those dark days. 

We must now face the aftermath of the war in 
Bolshevism. It is a menace not only in Russia, but 
throughout the world, and we should do well to try 
to understand it. 

This is no easy task, for we have been victimized 
by our own propaganda. The Germans taught us 
the power of such propaganda, then in self-defense 
the Allies launched their own. Now every one is 
flooding us with special pleading for or against each 
cause. Before us, as we write, are two piles of 
printed matter, the one for and the other against 
Bolshevism. Many of the documents on both sides 
are filled with exaggerations and statements con- 
trary to fact. Whether reactionaries or Bolsheviki, 
each extreme party seems to "see red." Our one 
aim is to find the truth, to see things as they are. 

At the outset we wish to state frankly that we 
are not able to speak with authority upon the pres- 
ent conditions in Russia and must suspend final 
judgment until we can see and interpret the situa- 
tion for ourselves. We wish to keep an open mind 
free from prejudice for or against a cause which is 
still on trial. We may take warning from the reversal 



THE APPEAL OF RUSSIA 71 

of our attitude to the French Revolution. After 
centuries of misrule the pent-up fury of a vast pop- 
ulation does not conform to rules of etiquette or 
order. Both the French and Bolshevist revolutions 
were at first followed by violence and bloodshed. 
Both were condemned by the Anglo-Saxon democ- 
racies and the monarchies of Europe. But as the 
smoke of battle cleared and law and order were 
restored, we could separate the temporary method 
of the red terror of the French Revolution from the 
permanent and ideal aims of liberty, equality, and 
fraternity. Today we can estimate the permanent 
gains to democratic France and the liberties of 
Europe, despite the lawless cruelty of Robespierre. 
Behind the smoke of conflict in Russia, amid the 
discordant and conflicting reports of witnesses par- 
tisan or prejudiced on both sides, we shall yet have 
to form an honest estimate of this vast economic 
movement which is taking place in Russia. 

To understand the Russian Revolution, we must 
realize what lay behind it. It was the spontaneous 
uprising of a people long oppressed. A thousand 
years of suffering, such as no other great nation had 
endured, and five centuries of Czarism, had driven 
almost all the opponents of the bureaucracy into 
the various camps of Socialism, which seemed to 
offer a gospel of hope to the oppressed masses. 
Sixty per cent of the Russian people were chronically 
underfed, miserably clad, and living in hovels 



72 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

scarcely fit for beasts. The majority belonged to the 
landless peasants and the almost penniless pro- 
letariat. Over seventy-five per cent had been left 
in illiteracy. The Czarist Minister de Shelking 
attributes the Revolution to "an unpopular Em- 
peror, a detested Empress, a deceived army and navy 
without faith in its officers, venal and incapable 
ministers, justice reduced to a farce, society corrupt 
and rotten to the core, the Duma lacking in courage 
and initiative. " Mr. Brailsf ord says : ' ' Russia hanged 
its Socialists, dissolved its Dumas, imprisoned its dep- 
uties, oppressed its Jews, defiled the free soil of Fin- 
land, and erected its gallows in the cities of Persia. " 

The Revolution was thus a sudden release of vast 
elemental forces from age-long repression; it was the 
long suppressed outcry of land hunger and life 
hunger. It was at once the overthrow of political 
tyranny and social injustice, but what began pri- 
marily as a political revolution developed rapidly 
into a social revolution. It was not merely a change 
of persons or parties, it was a change of principles, 
of classes, of the very order of society. 

In such a chaotic time of transition, the extreme 
forces naturally gained control. Of all the parties 
in Russia, only one seemed to know just what it 
wanted. In the split of the Russian Social Demo- 
cratic Party in 1903, the Bolsheviki, or "maximalist 
party," took the extremist position, demanding the 
immediate revolutionary rule of the proletariat, or 



THE APPEAL OF RUSSIA 73 

working class. The Mensheviki, or "minimalist 
party," stood for a more sane, gradual, evolutionary 
control, uniting the bourgeoisie, or commercial class, 
with the peasants and working men. 

To understand Russia and Bolshevism, it is all- 
important at the outset to distinguish clearly be- 
tween two elements: on the one hand, the people 
with their spontaneous, democratic organization of 
the Soviets; and on the other, the Bolsheviki, or 
extreme Communists, who have gained temporary 
control of the Soviets, utilized them, and made 
them a power. It is our belief that the soviet 
or committee organization, as a natural expression 
of democratic Russia, under whatever name it 
may continue, is built upon Russian character, 
and will be permanent. There are Soviets of peas- 
ants, soldiers, teachers, professional men, and 
industrial workers. The present Soviet Republic 
must be regarded as a communistic experiment, 
an episode in the social reconstruction of Eastern 
Europe. No such revolution as this vast elemen- 
tal upheaval has ever taken place. 

Here were vast, undisciplined, armed masses 
pouring back from the trenches, millions of men 
diverted from the War to a social revolution, turning 
hopelessly from the German Front, where they had 
been betrayed, to face what they considered their 
real enemy at home. It was this armed mass that 
represented the driving force of the Revolution. It 



74 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

must be remembered, also, that all else had failed 
them. They felt they had been betrayed by an 
autocratic Czar, a corrupt b.ureaucracy, an agrarian 
feudalism, and a weak middle class. Three classes of 
the community were on trial. They felt the Czar 
and the bureaucracy had failed; the bourgeois and 
intellectuals had failed them in the Revolution of 
1905; it was now the turn of the proletariat and 
peasants. They saw but two alternatives, the con- 
tinuance of the old oppressive system of the privi- 
leged class, or the beginning of the rule of the un- 
privileged eighty per cent of the population. If for 
a moment we try to put ourselves in their place, we 
cannot but feel sympathetic with the underlying 
aim of this long-suffering mass of the population, 
however wrong they were in its execution. They 
felt the vast elemental urge of social justice, 
the hunger for life, the desire for some share and 
some control in the wealth which they had created. 
They desired an equality of democratic opportunity. 
They aimed at the socialization of the land, of the 
means of production, of wealth, and of all life. It 
was a daring and colossal experiment. They repre- 
sented 135,000,000 peasants and millions of the 
industrial proletariat, prepared by years of revolu- 
tionary agitation, against the misrule and exploita- 
tion of the privileged class. 

Inevitably they made mistakes. It was plainly 
the attempt of the untutored child mind in the 



THE APPEAL OF RUSSIA 75 

political and social world. It would sweep away, 
as a house of blocks in the nursery, all the slowly 
reared existing systems of the centuries, and build 
again a palace of fancy and a house of dreams. Thus 
the masses were finally induced and compelled by the 
Marxian Socialists and the Left social revolutionists 
to try the Bolshevik experiment, which is a synthesis 
of the two revolutionary programs, that of Marx 
and that of Bakunin, and which offered them at 
once the socialization of land and industry. We 
can best understand their purposes if we turn to 
the actual constitution of the Soviet Republic, 
and try to realize the ideal aims of their social 
dream. Briefly these may be summarized as follows: 

1. "Russia is declared 'A Republic of Soviets of 
Workers/ Soldiers', and Peasants' Delegates.' 

2. "The Soviet Republic of Russia is established 
on the basis of a free union of free nations and forms 
a Federation of National Soviet Republics. 

3. "Suppressing all exploitation of man by man 
and abolishing forever the division of society into 
classes. 

4. "The socialization of the land. Private owner- 
ship of the land is abolished. All land is declared 
national property. 

5. "Forest, underground mineral wealth and 
waters, having value of national importance . . . 
are declared public property. 

6. "The complete transfer of all factories, rail- 
ways, and all means of production and transport, to 
establish the workers' control of industry. 



76 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

7. "The transfer of all banks to the State as a 
step in the emancipation of the toiling masses from 
the yoke of capitalism. 

8. "To abolish all parasitic elements in society, 
work useful to the community is obligatory to all. 

9. "The repudiation of all secret treaties, and a 
democratic peace without annexation or indemnities. 

10. "To free from enslavement millions of laborers 
in Asia, the colonies and smaller nations; to secure 
the independence of Finland, and full self-determina- 
tion for Armenia. 

11. "Genuine liberty of conscience, the Church 
separate from the State, the School from the Church. 

12. "Complete freedom of meetings, and full 
liberty of association. 

13. "A complete education , which shall be free for 
all. 

14. " The equality of all citizens, regardless of race 
and nationality, before the law, and the protection 
of national minorities." 

We shall see how far they have fallen below this 
constitution in actual practice, but such are the aims 
of this elemental movement in Russia, with the 
boldest social program in history. 1 

x The organ for the execution of this plan was to be the 
Soviets. They are supposed to organize all classes in the country 
and the city. In the country they begin with the Mir or village 
meeting of all the workers. These elect a Soviet to represent 
the village. The villages send their representatives to the town- 
ships; these in turn send representatives to the Provincial 
Soviets, and these to the All-Russian Congress. In the city, 
each group, whether industrial or brain workers, is supposed to 
have its Soviet. These send representatives to the City Soviet, 



THE APPEAL OF RUSSIA 77 

Truth compels us to give the Soviet Republic its 
due. The social theory of its leaders has been tried 
under most unfavorable, if not impossible, condi- 
tions. They inherited a country impoverished by 
war and on the verge of starvation. They had to face 
an army disbanded and crying for bread. They in- 
herited five centuries of the Czarist regime, and four 
years of war which had loosed all the passions of the 
Tartar blood. They were faced by the invasion of 
the German army, the penetration of the German 
commercial agents, the highway robbery of the 
Brest-Litovsk Treaty, the alhed invasion on the 
north, a battle front on the south, and another on the 
east. They were isolated by the world's blockade, 
cut off from their principal outlets to the sea and 
from the granary of Siberia. They inherited a means 
of transportation which had almost broken down, 
and a system of "graft" and corruption unparalleled 
in any civilized nation. In spite of all these adverse 
circumstances, they have maintained themselves in 
power for more than two years. The fallacies of the 
system have, however, been revealed and must be 
eradicated if there is not to be a complete collapse. 

and the cities with the villages send up their representatives to 
the All-Russian Congress. This appoints an interim Central 
Executive Committee of some two hundred members, which 
elects the final body, consisting of eighteen People's Commis- 
saries who form the Government. If these Soviets were truly 
democratic and universal, and if they were completed by a rep- 
resentative National Constituent Assembly, they might form 
the organization of the permanent Russian State. 



78 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

We must now turn from this natural organization 
of Russian democracy to the Bolsheviki, or small 
extremist party, which temporarily controls it. We 
must first of all ask, What is Bolshevism? Perhaps 
we can best express it in certain characteristic 
phrases of Lenin, the brain of Bolshevism, in his 
"Soviets at Work," without a continuous quotation: 

"We have won Russia from the rich for the poor, 
from the exploiters for the toilers. . . . Now the 
main difficulty is in the economic domain: to raise 
the productivity of labor, to establish strict and 
universal accounting, to control production and 
distribution, and actually to socialize production. 
Socialism, to succeed, must prove more efficient than 
capitalism in producing wealth. We now need 
economy, discipline, accuracy. There will be a period 
of false steps, experiments, wavering, and hesitation. 
The transition from capitalism to socialism is im- 
possible without compulsion and dictatorship. Our 
soviet rule is the dictatorship of the proletariat . . 
swift and merciless in the suppression of exploiters." 
"There must be absolute submission to one person, 
the soviet dictator, during work. . . . Our aim is 
to attract every member of the poor classes. The 
bourgeoisie is excluded." 

Lenin's keynote is "the dictatorship of the prole- 
tariat" by the unlimited use of power. The aim of 
Bolshevism is the immediate introduction of state 
communism, of a social republic of labor. It repre- 



THE APPEAL OF RUSSIA 79 

sents the vested interests of the unprivileged classes. 
It is immediate, chaotic, universal Socialism. It 
seeks to invert the social pyramid which tapered 
down from the Czar, the bureaucracy, the bourgeois, 
to the broad base of the toiling masses ; placing the 
masses on top and crushing the once-privileged 
classes. Bolshevism seeks proletarianism before de- 
mocracy; revolution before evolution; international- 
ism before nationalism ; destruction before construc- 
tion. 

Russia, rent, distracted, and torn by revolution 
as she was, fell an easy prey to the little group of 
extremists who appealed to the instincts of the mob. 
Lenin frankly stated that "just as 150,000 lordly 
landowners under Czarism dominated the 130,000,000 
of Russian peasants, so 200,000 members of the Bol- 
shevik party are imposing their proletarian will on 
the mass, but this time in the interest of the latter." 
He proposed to wield the relentless use of power by 
the proletariat against the rest of society. 

Originally the Bolsheviki divided the population 
into four categories in order of preference: menial 
laborers; clerical workers; employers of others; 
and lastly, land-owners, capitalists, and the idle rich. 
Cards for food were issued, but as there was not 
enough even for the first class, the other classes were 
soon abolished. Private trading was forbidden; the 
shops of Petrograd and other cities were closed; and 
the small supplies of food were concentrated in a few 



80 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

hundred municipal stores. The army was fed first, 
then the workingmen. The others might starve, or 
flee from the country, or go to work under the 
new scheme. 

It is not necessary to give way to exaggeration or 
to wholesale condemnation. There has been undoubt- 
ed exaggeration and misrepresentation with regard 
to recent conditions in Russia. It is unjust, for 
instance, to say that Bolshevism internationalized 
women. At Saratof, a single soviet, not Bolshevik 
but anarchist, proposed this as a local plan, but it 
would be as unjust to generalize from this exception 
as to assume that the Americans were polygamists 
because of the existence of the Mormons. The Bol- 
shevik marriage laws are totally against such a plan. 

We may roughly divide Russia into three classes. 
Somewhat less than one-tenth are reactionaries, 
desiring the return of their former special privileges. 
They include the old bureaucrats, officials, police, 
land-owners, capitalists, and dispossessed classes. 
They desire the return of "the good old days," many 
of them believing that the peasant is a "pig," in- 
capable of education or of self-government, and that 
he should be given vodka and the knout. The other 
extreme, perhaps less than one-tenth, belongs to the 
convinced Bolsheviki, the destructive international 
socialists who would use any method, any means, 
any force, to establish the dictatorship of the prole- 
tariat. Each of these extremes stands for class rule. 



THE APPEAL OF RUSSIA 81 

But between these two are the remaining eighty 
per cent of the people, and this heart of Russia is 
still sound. They do not want the oppression either 
of the Czar or of a proletarian dictator. They want 
land, they want peace, they want work, they want 
the law and order of a truly democratic government, 
living in harmony with all other nations. 

For a considerable time production, transporta- 
tion, and industry were broken down. The laborers' 
soviet of a factory could not get the fuel or raw ma- 
terials to run the plant. Factory after factory was 
thus closed. The railways deteriorated, and none 
would repair them. Supplies of food and fuel, raw 
materials, and manufactured articles were lacking. 
The population of the cities was reduced almost to 
starvation. The abundant harvests, twenty per cent 
above normal in Southern Russia, have kept the 
peasants well fed, but the city poor are starving. 

Legislation was by decrees which could not bo 
enforced. Discipline and order for a time gave place to 
chaos. The output of the manufacturing concerns 
had been diminished to from five to fifty per cent of 
the pre-war basis. Unemployment was rapidly 
spreading. The banking system has almost complete- 
ly broken down and the credit system had failed. 
Paper money had been printed on a colossal scale 
but it is now almost valueless ; the peasant no longer 
wants it. With the decrease of the output, prices 
have soared to the impossible. Thus a vicious circle 



82 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

has been created. We cannot deny, however, that 
no system would have a fair trial or a favorable 
opportunity, if blockaded by the world. 

The national health, through underfeeding, lack of 
organization, and lack of medicines, has deteriorated. 
Epidemic diseases, such as cholera, typhus, typhoid, 
smallpox, and influenza, have been rampant. Al- 
ready wooden buildings are being torn down and the 
material used for fuel. Because of decreased pro- 
duction, the people have been consuming the 
accumulated capital of past centuries, and Russia is 
being bled white. 

Russia seems now to be on the verge of a third and 
last development. The first revolution was primarily 
political in the overthrow of Czarism. The second, 
or Bolshevik revolution, was primarily social, in the 
overthrow of capitalism and commercialism. The 
third development for the establishment of a true 
democracy, both political and social, seems now to 
be needed. If Russia is left to herself, the leaders 
will either have to grant social justice and democ- 
racy for all classes alike, or the people of Russia will 
take matters into their own hands and work out 
their own salvation. Selfish class rule, whether 
proletarian or capitalist, is doomed, and democracy 
will hold the field at the end of the day. 



IV 
THE HOPE OF RUSSIA 

One need not seek far to find the essential errors 
in the transitional system in Russia. If it rests on 
the same basis as Czarism, a selfish class rule at 
the expense of the community, upon which it enforces 
its will by compulsion, if it fans to flame class- 
hatred, instead of stimulating cooperation and the 
principle of love, if it offers a stone in place of bread 
to the hungry heart of Russia, and tries to stifle the 
deep religious instincts of the people by the material- 
ism of Marx, it will fail because of the absence of 
recognition of the eternal spiritual verities, the lack of 
moral basis, and the denial of individual liberty. 
The rulers of Russia have not understood the toler- 
ation of minorities. They have tried to enforce uni- 
formity. They have failed to enforce discipline, 
because they have taken away its sanctions and 
undermined the basis of society. They first fostered 
destruction rather than construction, and have swept 
away the slow and painful gains of humanity ac- 
cumulated by past centuries of toil, to try a theat- 
rical experiment. 

Our democracy has been built up upon private 
thrift, the securing ot the fruits of individual labor, 
the application of intelligence to the process of pro- 
duction, and the discipline of ordered society. All 

83 



84 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

these the new system swept away. The motive for 
toil and honest labor is weakened ; it is more profitable 
to make speeches and feed upon the diminishing 
food supply. 

The tactical errors of these Russian leaders 
have only been equaled by the blunders of the Allies 
in dealing with them. In one thing at least the Bol- 
sheviki have shown themselves masters, and that 
is in their clever propaganda. The stupid threats 
of the allied propaganda to the Bolsheviki, and the 
exaggerated misrepresentations against them have 
only strengthened their cause. The worst allied 
blunder of all has been that of armed intervention. 
The Bolsheviki have been given the opportunity of 
rallying the patriotic elements of the nation to 
resist foreign and reactionary forces which are ad- 
vancing upon the country. Allied intervention, 
which was intended to overthrow Bolshevism, has 
actually strengthened it. Left to themselves, the 
people might have risen to demand their rights 
but threatened by what they considered a foreign 
foe, they turned against the invader to defend their 
own Soviet Republic. 

Why was intervention a failure? It failed because 
it was opposed by the intelligent laboring classes of 
Britain and America. It failed because it turned 
the people of Russia against the Allies. We left 
North Russia, because we were not wanted by the 
majority of the people whom we had come to relieve. 



THE HOPE OF RUSSIA 85 

Those who wanted us most were the men of the old 
regime who desired the restoration of the good old 
times and the " benevolent" rule of the privileged 
class. It is chiefly the reactionaries who have been 
filling our press and urging intervention, but we have 
no desire to reestablish the hideous regime of the 
old order. 

As we have already seen, the minorities of Russia 
have failed and forfeited their right to rule. 
One class remains, and they are the one great hope 
of the future; that is, the Russian people them- 
selves. They have not yet had their innings. If the 
Allies withdraw and prevent the forcible exploitation 
of the country by Germany, Russia left to herself 
will work out her own destiny. There may be the 
temporary domination by military autocrats; Na- 
poleons, great or little, may for a time gain control. 
But Russia, sick at heart, has learned deep in the 
soul of her masses to distrust the exploitation of all 
dictators. The pendulum which has swung to both 
extremes will come in time to a middle position. 
When that day comes, Russia will take her rightful 
place in the world again. Sooner or later the great 
peasant classes will assert themselves. An impov- 
erished, illiterate, and half-civilized Russia was 
not ready for the experiment of state Social- 
ism, but Russia is destined to become one of the 
great democracies of the world. Either those in 
power, learning from their own failure, must be- 



86 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

come more democratic, and yield to the will of the 
people; or the old reactionaries, confessing the in- 
justice and failure of their own former rule, must 
become more liberal; or else the people, rejecting 
both extremes, must assert their own will. 

The Germans are busy with their peaceful pene- 
tration and are ready to exploit Russia. It will not 
do for America merely to withdraw: we must make 
good our generous promises made through Presi- 
dent Wilson, which at the time filled the Rus- 
sian people with hope. What they need now is 
not empty sympathy but help, not armed interven- 
tion but cooperation. The Allies cannot successfully 
invade, conquer, and control a nation which contains 
the largest white population and the largest natural 
resources in the world. WTien armed intervention 
was tried, many of the Russians fighting in the ranks 
turned against the foreign officers and went over to 
the Bolsheviki. What we need is to appeal to the 
heart of democratic Russia, to offer not the stupid 
threats of a useless propaganda, but the promise 
of practical cooperation, the exchange of raw ma- 
terials and manufactured goods, as soon as Russia 
shall call a bona fide constituent assembly and set 
up an honest, democratic government of, for, and 
by the people. 

It will help us to estimate Russia's future if we 
glance for a moment at her natural resources and the 
character and history of her people. We shall see 



THE HOPE OF RUSSIA 87 

that she is not insolvent and that her condition is 
not hopeless. Russia is vast not only in size but in her 
gigantic resources, which as yet have scarcely been 
touched. From the rich black belt of fertile soil of 
the solid South, one of the great wheat areas of 
the world, on eastward across the wide Siberian 
plain, it is a land of promise and opportunity. We 
expected to find Siberia a dreary desert, but as we 
journeyed across its magnificent distances we found 
it a fertile Canada, with vast horizons of rich virgin 
soil, huge forests uncut, and mineral wealth whose 
surface has hardly been scratched. Siberia contains 
an area one and a half times that of the United 
States, with a population of only some 10,000,000. 
It is rich in its supply of gold and other minerals, 
and is capable of sustaining a large population. 
If Siberia were peopled with the same density of 
population as that of Belgium today, it would hold 
more than 3,000,000,000 people, or twice the present 
population of the entire world. There is a great 
future in the trade relations that will open between 
North America and Siberia across the Pacific. 

With America, Britain, and China, Russia is 
rich in its supplies of coal, and though largely un- 
developed, already ranks sixth in the world's produc- 
tion. It takes second place in its output of petroleum, 
the mineral oil industry of Baku alone yielding in 
normal times between ten and eleven million tons 
of crude oil. The refined oil is exported as kerosene 



88 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

or petroleum while the heavier refuse is used as fuel. 
Russia already stands fourth among the iron-pro- 
ducing countries, though the industry in the Urals, 
one of the principal mining centers, is still con- 
ducted by primitive methods, wood being largely 
used for fuel and the ore being transported by water. 
It produces more than ninety per cent of the world's 
supply of platinum. 

Two-thirds of the area of European Russia is 
sown with cereals. In normal times Russia stands 
first in the world in its production of rye, second in 
wheat, second in oats, and follows America and India 
as third in the number of cattle, though livestock is 
now diminishing in numbers all around. Modern 
dairy farming is only just beginning in Russia, but 
butter is being exported in increasing quantities. 
Russia has the second largest railway system in 
the world, with 50,000 miles, sixty per cent of 
which was owned by the state. 1 

Russia is a land of raw products and vast potential 
wealth. Her agriculture, however, is backward; 
her manufactures and industries are not yet develop- 
ed; her rich mines, through lack of capital, organiz- 
ation, and wise legislation, are almost unutilized. 





1 Country 


Railway Mileage 


Owned by State 


1. 


United States 


255,332 




2. 


Russia 


48,534 


31,366 


3. 


Germany 


39,600 


36,619 


4. 


India 


34,648 


29,317 


5. 


France 


31,807 


5,610 



THE HOPE OF RUSSIA 89 

As a result, her total wealth of $40,000,000,000 is less 
than the $60,000,000,000 of the annual income of the 
United States. There are vast undeveloped re- 
sources alike in the Russian soil, and in the Russian 
people. While the people struggle in poverty, these 
great resources may be exploited for the profit of 
some foreign nation, as by the Brest-Litovsk Treaty, 
or they may be developed by friendly cooperation 
and released for the enrichment of Russia and the 
world. 

Russia contains the largest white population of 
any country in the world, and has increased in the 
last fifteen years by more then 42,000,000. 2 

Through their latent force the Russians are one 

2 In 1915 Russia had a population of 182,182,600, increasing 
annually more than 3,000,000, or 2M per cent. 

According to the Russian Year Book for 1916, the number per 
1000 engaged in various occupations was as follows: 



Occupations 




Social Status of Poj 


mlation 


Agriculture 


746 


Peasants 


771 


Mining 


96 


Burgesses 


107 


Day Labor 


46 


Natives 




Trade and Commerce 


38 


(non-Russian) 


66 


All Other 


74 


Cossacks 


23 






Nobles 


15 






Clergy 


5 






All Others 


13 



1000 1000 

The religious faiths of the population in percentage are as 
follows: Orthodox 69.90, Muhammadans 10.83, Roman Catho- 
lics 8.91, Protestants 4.85, Jews 4.05, other Christians 0.96, 
other non-Christians 0.50. 

Russia contains twice the white population of the British 
Empire, and one and a half times the white population of the 
United States. 



90 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

of the great expanding peoples of the world. Men- 
aced by the Mongols on the East, the Germans on 
the West, the Norsemen on the Baltic, and the Turks 
on the South, starting from the little principality 
of Moscow, no larger than Belgium, Russia has ex- 
panded to some 500 times its original area. It 
pressed steadily southward until it swallowed up 
part of Turkey, westward until it embraced Poland, 
northward until it included Finland, and eastward 
to the Pacific. 

Russia is the meeting-place between the East and 
the West; the most eastward of the Western nations, 
the most westward of the Eastern nations, it contains 
the blood of both. While Slavs are the predominant 
race, there has been a large admixture of Tartar, 
Finnish, and other Asiatic blood. 

The Russian character is partly the product of 
environment, from the fierce fight with nature and 
man, evolved through more than a thousand years of 
suffering. To know Russia and her past is to under- 
stand and sympathize with her. We must judge 
her people and their faults with charity. They were 
cut off from the possibility of rapid development by a 
corrupt and autocratic court, a reactionary bureau- 
cracy and a luxurious and selfish aristocracy. If the 
Russians are often childlike in nature, we must 
remember that Russia, though one of the largest, is 
yet the youngest of nations, and has been the most 
handicapped. 



THE HOPE OF RUSSIA 91 

Physically the Russians are the finest people in 
the world, of giant strength, capable of doing titanic 
work even when sustained by the poorest food. We 
shall attempt briefly to analyze and summarize the 
psychology of the educated classes. We cannot 
judge Russia by her uneducated peasant class, any 
more than we could fairly judge our present capacity 
by that of our unlettered ancestors. In his intellect- 
ual nature, the Russian is brilliant and versatile, 
though often superficial in his culture. His courses 
at the university are on a higher plane than those 
of most American colleges, and would rank with 
the universities of Germany. The Russian has a 
large capacity for comprehension, quick assimilation 
and imitation, and is a gifted linguist. He is an ex- 
treme individualist and often an idealist. Yet there 
is also a passion for reality about the Russian. The 
peasant in particular is practical and hardheaded. 

In his emotional nature the Russian has a vast 
capacity for affection ; he is even more warm-hearted 
than the Irish, and more sympathetic than the 
French. His most striking characteristic is his 
' ' all-humanness. " In his aesthetic nature the Russian 
is highly artistic and imaginative. He is often roman- 
tic, introspective, with a fine vein of sentiment, 
tinged with a deep sadness reflected from the suffer- 
ing both of the individual and the nation. Repressed 
politically, the Russian has expressed the pent-up 
wealth of his nature in literature, art, and music. 



92 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

The religious nature of the Russian is deep, mystical, 
reverent. The simple Russian has, perhaps, the 
deepest religious consciousness of any of the races 
of Europe, though many of the modern intellectuals, 
reacting against a corrupt state and church, have 
swung for the moment into atheism or agnosticism. 

The Russian excels his Anglo-Saxon brother in 
brilliance of intellect, warmth of affection, depth of 
religious consciousness, and artistic temperament. 
In his volitional nature, however, we reach what is 
at present the Russian's greatest lack. In undevelop- 
ed will power, and lack of moral backbone, repressed 
as he has been by centuries of autocracy, and undevel- 
oped by strict discipline, he tends to be mercurial, 
with a lack of balance and proportion. At present 
he lacks Anglo-Saxon common sense and capacity 
for organization. These will develop by experience. 
The strong womanhood of Russia is at present its 
greatest hope. 

If now we gather up these five elements of the 
Russian nature, in their actual combination we find 
three resultant characteristics of the Russian tem- 
perament. The first is a remarkable adaptability, 
plasticity, suppleness of mind, and clear intuition 
and insight, in strong contrast to the plodding and 
methodical Teuton. This Oriental faculty of adapta- 
bility makes the Russian a good colonist, and gives him 
capacity to rule successfully over primitive races. 
The second result of this combination is impulsive- 



THE HOPE OF RUSSIA 93 

ness, with a tendency to go to extremes, plunging 
in with no sense of balance or proportion. The third 
result of this combination of Russian psychology 
is foimd in the contradictions and paradoxes of the 
Russian character. Reflecting the fierce extremes 
of his climate, the Russian is subject to changing 
moods. He plunges from gaiety to despair, from 
titanic energy to apathy, from intellectual audacity 
to timidity of conduct. He is affectionate, gentle, 
and kind, yet "scratch a Russian and you find a 
Tartar." Rouse the Russian mob to the boiling 
point, and there is no cruelty or excess to which it 
may not be carried. The Tartar warrior once again 
flames and strikes. Long repressed by the greatest 
autocracy, the Russian is yet the most democratic 
of all men. He is frank, lovable, open as the sun- 
shine, a child of nature, the world's younger brother. 3 
Thus the Russian is strong, brilliant, artistic, 
where we are prosaic and materialistic, but he is 



3 Maurice Baring in his analysis of the Russian character 
makes the following summary : 

1. Plasticity — resulting in: Positive: a. Humaneness, b. 
Assimilation, c. Suppleness of mind. d. Absence of hypocrisy, 
e. Liberty of thought. Negative: a. Indulgence and laxity, b. 
Lack of originality, c. Superficiality, d. Lack of backbone, 
e. Lack of discipline. 

2. Absence of bonds, bars, and barriers. Positive: a. Spas- 
modic energy, b. Audacity of thought. Negative: a. Extrava- 
gance of conduct, b. Timidity of conduct, c. Fear of responsi- 
bility, d. Lack of individuality, independence, civic courage. 

3. Positivism, a. Patience, unity of purpose, b. Coopera- 
tive energy. 



94 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

weak just at the point where we may help him in the 
capacity for practical organization. He lacks as yet 
in moral will power, but, like the vast resources 
of his soil, he is still in the giant childhood of his 
undeveloped immaturity, with undisciplined but 
mighty powers. 

While in Russia, the writer found a flood of light 
thrown on the Russian character by scores of letters 
received from Russian students. Frequent reference 
to suicide and the deep diapason of sadness sound 
most strongly in these letters. They showed a depth 
of suffering in Russia even before the War. Three 
examples may suffice. 

1. A letter from a young Jew on the verge of 
suicide : 

"I shall endeavor to state the bare facts, which 
are perfectly known to any one having to do with the 
Jewish youth of Russia. If the question were put 
to me whether there is any religious interest among 
the Jewish youth, I should reply, 'No, none.' But, 
side by side with conscious unbelief, one can notice 
in almost every individual a deep sorrow and a long- 
ing to find some way to a higher ideal. Now in their 
midst you can notice the growth of a national 
movement. But that movement has nothing to do 
with religion or with God. All the thinking Jewish 
youth are unbelieving. The movement is still in its 
very beginning, but it has a rich soil which is abund- 
antly fertilized by the Russian Government, by all 
its limitations, its restrictions, and its persecutions. 
. . . As for my own life, I sneered at religion as 



THE HOPE OF RUSSIA 95 

other people did and called it superstition. The 
farther and the deeper I tried to go into the sub- 
stance of things, the more I was brought to a com- 
plete negation of life I decided that to live 

thus, without any object, was quite impossible. 
Therefore, the hour was fixed for my life to be 
brought to an end. However, a friend of mine per- 
suaded me that not even death is an end. My 
friend discovered that while attempting to commit 
suicide himself; the noose around his neck broke 
and he fell to the ground. He advised me to read the 
Gospel and to try to enter into the meaning of it, 
saying that it had helped him. I seized upon that 
as a drowning man catches at a straw. I cannot yet 
define the results, but I can say that that book and 
your lectures have persuaded me that it is possible 
for people to find an object in life and to believe in 
the future. My life is not the only case of dis- 
appointment and despair. Here you have facing 
you a whole company of my poor disappointed com- 
rades, intellectual, thoughtful young Hebrews." 

2. "I am a medical student troubled by doubts 
and passions, who had lost all faith and saw no 
meaning to life. On the 25th of January I left my 
roommate for the last time, saying: 'Good-by; to- 
morrow I will cease to exist.' A life without mean- 
ing, without aim, without eternity, with nothing 
but human pleasures, was disgusting to me. I saw 
the notice of your lecture on 'A Rational Basis for 
Religion,' and 'The Meaning of Life.' I went, and 
on returning, I went to sleep for the first time during 
the last two months without thoughts of suicide. 
Since then I have daily been to your lectures. I 
now read the Gospel daily and am again able to pray. 



96 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

I do not know what the future will be, but now I 
desire again to live. In any case, I shall prolong my 
life for the next three months to make the test of 
Jesus Christ by reading the Gospel again as you asked 
us. Pray for me." 

3. "I am the daughter of a pious priest. Four 
years ago, at the age of seventeen, I took poison and 
tried to commit suicide, but the doctor prevented my 
carrying out my purpose. I now live only for my 
parents' sake. I am like a living corpse. My only 
desire is for death. Under present conditions in 
Russia I see no meaning in life. I have lost all faith 
in God. What am I to do? I will faithfully read the 
Gospel every day, as you ask us, during the next 
three months, and see if God answers my prayers. 
I can do no more." 

During the month which the writer spent in Russia 
lecturing to students, they crowded to the meetings, 
often standing for two hours a night, listening eagerly 
for a message of hope. In Kief sixty new students, 
in Petrograd over seventy, and in Moscow one hun- 
dred handed in their names as desiring to join 
Bible classes, to make a fresh study of the life and 
teaching of Christ. In these three centers alone 
were 75,000 college students without one Russian 
worker giving his whole time to Christian work 
among them. A limited investment in altruistic en- 
deavor would immediately reach a larger number of 
students, and meet a more desperate need, than are 
to be found in any other land. 4 

'See further Appendixes II and III. 



THE HOPE OF RUSSIA 97 

One could hardly understand America today if 
he knew nothing of the Pilgrim Fathers, the Revolu- 
tion, or the Civil War. To understand the Russia of 
the present, one must know something of her past. 
It is the record of a thousand years of human suffer- 
ing, as her people have struggled upward to the light 
of liberty. Russia has suffered more than any other 
great nation in the Western hemisphere. There is 
a river of blood running through ten centuries of 
Russia's tragic past. 

The Slavs, like their white brothers of the Anglo- 
Saxon race, entered Europe from Asia. Their his- 
tory falls into four clearly defined periods. 

1. The Independent Principalities, 8th-18th Cen- 
turies. 

Three cities have formed the radiating centers 
of Russian life. The first was Kief in the 
south, "the mother of Russian cities," the second 
Moscow in the center, "the heart of Russia," the 
third Petrograd in the north, "the head of Russia." 
Kief in the ninth century became the cradle of Rus- 
sian lif e and its commercial and political center. Yet 
even in this early period of independent principalities, 
the country was laid waste by eighty-three civil 
wars. During the course of a century and a half 
Kief was repeatedly taken by storm and pillage, 
until finally the whole country was desolated by the 
foreign invasion of fierce marauding tribes. 

2. The Tartar or Mongol Dominion, 1 238-1 462 A. D. 



98 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

In the midst of war at home Russia was suddenly 
swept by a cyclonic foreign invasion. Gengis 
Khan, after conquering China, advanced westward 
and defeated the Russians in 1224 A. D., extending 
his realm over Asia and Europe from the Pacific to 
the Baltic and Danube. Russia now passed for 
two centuries under the galling Tartar yoke, and 
the clock of Russian culture was put back for genera- 
tions. Forced to pay tribute, they were invaded 
from time to time by the Tartars, who swept over 
Russia with terrible devastation. 

3. The Czardom of Russia, 1380-1689. 

To unite the Russian nation, the princes of Moscow 
consolidated their possessions and threw off the Tar- 
tar yoke, but they laid the foundation of autocracy, 
which rested upon the Russian people with its dead 
weight for more than five centuries. Autocracy 
always advanced at the cost of the people. In two 
centuries (1228-1462) bleeding Russia had to suffer 
the horrors of ninety internal conflicts and over 150 
foreign wars, while drought, famine, and fire added to 
the poverty of the peasants. Still there was a great 
unconquerable hope at the heart of Russia. 

The early Czars combined the barbaric luxury of the 
Tartar Khan with the splendor of the Byzantine 
Emperor, while the people paid in taxes and blood. 
Ivan the Terrible (1533-84) inaugurated, apparently 
without any reason, a reign of terror lasting for 
twenty-five years. Toward his own people he acted 



THE HOPE OF RUSSIA 99 

like a savage invader in a conquered territory. He 
mercilessly devastated peaceful districts, simply to 
terrorize the population. During his six weeks 
residence in the old municipal republic of Novgorod 
he is said to have massacred 60,000 men, women, and 
children. Still Russia suffered in patience. A later 
monarch, Boris, bound the peasants to the soil, 
forbade immigration or free movement, and fastened 
upon them the fetters of serfdom, which the Russian 
peasantry endured for the next two and a half 
centuries. 

When the throne fell vacant, Michael Romanoff 
was chosen Czar in 1613, and a new dynasty of more 
or less benevolent tyrants was fastened upon Russia. 

This first of the Romanoffs promoted the internal 
prosperity of the country, revived its long prostrate 
commerce, and in 1639 extended the borders of his 
Asiatic possessions to the Pacific. 

4. The Modern Period, 1689-1917. 

Peter the Great (1689-1725), whose name has been 
preserved in the national capital which he founded, 
undertook a series of radical administrative re- 
forms. 

By main force of autocracy he succeeded in trans- 
forming the semi-Oriental society of Russia into an 
Occidental society and making Russia into a Euro- 
pean power. These changes were, however, so un- 
suited to the national character and customs, and 
the officials who were to carry them out remained 



100 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

so indifferent to the public welfare, that little was 
actually accomplished. 

On the death of Peter the autocratic power which 
he had wielded so vigorously passed into the hands 
of a series of weak, indolent rulers who were guided 
by personal caprice rather than by serious political 
considerations. The next great figure to emerge 
is that of Catherine II during whose long reign 
(1762-1796) Russia made rapid progress in civiliza- 
tion and came to be fully recognized as one of the 
Great Powers. By her large grants of land to 
courtiers and distinguished public servants, by her 
establishment of secondary schools in the principal 
towns, and by her emphasis on increased refinement in 
the life of the court, Catherine made herself very 
popular in the upper ranks of society, but did little 
or nothing to lighten the burdens of the people. 
Popular discontent found expression in various forms. 
The contradictions of Catherine's character — bril- 
liant, capricious, of lax morals and large intellect as 
she was — have earned for her the title of the most 
picturesque of the rulers of Russia. While sur- 
rounding herself with courtiers of doubtful reputa- 
tion, she was the professed patron of public morality 
and founded many churches and benevolent institu- 
tions; though essentially more despotic than any of 
her immediate predecessors, she convoked an assem- 
bly of delegates from all the districts to frame a new 
and more liberal code of laws. 



THE HOPE OF RUSSIA 101 

In the early part of his reign, Alexander I (1801- 
1825) sought to put into practice some of the dem- 
ocratic ideas of his time and to institute educational 
and other reforms. But his attention became more 
and more engrossed with foreign affairs, for it was 
largely due to his skill and persistency during the 
three years preceding Waterloo that Europe was 
freed from the domination of Napoleon, and he 
gradually adopted in all departments of national 
administration a strongly reactionary policy. Pro- 
found dissatisfaction and disappointment in the 
liberal section of the educated classes were the in- 
evitable result. 

His brother, Nicholas I (1825-1855), who succeed- 
ed him, combined with his steadfast faith in auto- 
cratic methods an exaggerated fear of revolutionary 
principles and ruled Russia with an iron hand. It 
is not strange, therefore, that the first decade of the 
reign of his son, Alexander II (1855-1881), was a 
violent reaction against the political and intellectual 
stagnation of the preceding period, and is known in 
Russia as "the epoch of the great reforms." 

The first step taken by the young emperor was 
the abolition of serfdom, thus creating more than 
20,000,000 freemen, who were enabled by a system 
of state loans to secure small farms on an instal- 
ment plan of payment. He undertook also to 
bring about the thorough reorganization of the 
judicial administration, and the development of 



102 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

local self-government. These great changes were 
made, but the sanguine expectations which had ac- 
companied them were not realized, and the govern- 
ment gave it to be understood that the epoch of the 
great reforms was closed. 

When about to grant a constitution to the people 
in 1881, Alexander II was killed by a terrorist's 
bomb, and his son Alexander III (1881-1894) entered 
upon a reign of reaction and oppression. He had 
been consulted on the constitutional project and 
had assented, but on his accession other influences 
prevailed, and the reform which would have been 
the first step toward parliamentary government 
was not carried out. For two decades an aver- 
age of 20,000 victims a year were banished to 
Siberia. The last Czar, Nicholas II, came to the 
throne in 1894. He was more humane, but weak 
and vacillating, and he became the easy victim 
of the evil forces surrounding him. For a long 
weary century pathetic movements for freedom had 
been repeatedly organized among the people. Finally 
on October 30, 1905, the Czar, in a panic at the nation- 
al uprising, vaguely promised all manner of reforms. 
The first radical Duma opened in 1906, but was soon 
dissolved by the Czar. The second was closed the 
following year. The third Duma opened at the 
end of 1907. Stolypin stood firm against the demands 
of the Duma, and the revolution which began in 
1905 for the liberation of the toiling masses broke 



THE HOPE OF RUSSIA 103 

down. The cause of failure lay in the lack of leader- 
ship among the intellectuals, lack of discipline, ol 
unity, and of real identification with the people. 
By 1909 the Government had banished 180,000 
political exiles to Siberia. 

Russia has suffered enough to earn her freedom. 
But let us not think that all her suffering has been 
fruitless. The backward swing of the pendulum of 
reaction may carry the hour hand along the dial plate 
of human progress as truly as the forward swing of 
radical reform. At both extremes Russia will have 
learned a great lesson. Let us not blame her if she 
does not instantly rise to democratic discipline, for 
even the struggle of the Anglo-Saxon for liberty 
was the slow growth of centuries, and the Republic 
of France was long unstable. Russia is, like her own 
prisoners suddenly released from Siberia, tottering 
with unsteady footsteps and with eyes half blinded 
and unaccustomed to face the light of liberty. But 
she has been learning the first painful lessons of de- 
mocracy. 

Russia appeals to us today by her tragic need. For 
a thousand years her vast masses, fighting against 
poverty and oppression, aggressive wars from without 
and cruel autocracy within, have slowly struggled 
toward freedom. Autocracy can never long hold 
Russia after her people have tasted liberty. Russia 
will yet find herself. 

The writer met Madam Breshkovsky, the "Little 



104 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

Grandmother of the Revolution. " After thirty-two 
years of terrible experiences in the prisons of Siberia, 
she had been released only to have the hopes of 
a lifetime dashed to the ground. Yet her faith in 
the future and her faith in God's purpose for her 
country have never wavered. It is her unshaken con- 
viction that tyranny will pass and that Russia will 
yet be vindicated as the leader of Democracy. She 
said: "I know my people — lawyers, students, peas- 
ants, and soldiers; I know them all, and I love 
them. I believe in the great future of Russia. I 
may not live to see it myself, but it will come. " 

As a Russian poet says : 

"Never can the reason master, 
Never can the foot-rule measure 
Russia's own peculiar essence — 
Faith alone can fathom Russia." 

With all our heart we still believe in Russia. We 
believe in her, because we believe in humanity, 
because we believe in God, because we believe it will 
yet be Everybody's World. This great people has 
not suffered for a thousand years in vain. One- 
sixth of the land area of the globe cannot forever be 
turned over to anarchy and corruption. We must 
help Russia with a disinterested, generous, and friend- 
ly cooperation to regain her footing and to find her- 
self. A Nihilistic Russia would be a menace to the 
world, a breeding center of contagion for all nations. 
A peaceful, settled, and prosperous Russia will be 



THE HOPE OF RUSSIA 105 

a blessing to humanity. Prince Kropotkin, the 
well-known Russian writer, says that at the present 
moment the most urgent need is to save Russia 
from impending starvation. He implores America to 
send seeds, tractors, agricultural implements, and 
experts, "as a direct gift and a friendly service from 
nation to nation. " 

The law of sacrifice will yet bear its costly fruit, 
for even here nothing walks with aimless feet. God's 
in His heaven still, and all will yet be well with 
Russia. Pitt might cry in agony of soul, "Roll up 
the map of Europe, " and we shall now have to roll 
it up once again. But we shall have a new 
Russia, a new Europe, and a new world — Every- 
body's World. 

Democratic Russia turns to the great democracy, 
America, for help and cooperation. This is the hour 
of Russia 's need, and this our day of opportunity. 



JAPAN AFTER THE WAR 

The problem of the Pacific and of the Far East 
is one of the great issues before the American 
people. Nearly all of our statesmen have recognized 
this. 1 But there is more at stake in the Far East 
than most Americans have ever realized. A vast 
population of over 600,000,000 finds its only outlet 
to the sea and its chief contact with the West upon 
the shores of the Pacific. The trade of Japan in- 
creased nearly seventy-fold in the last fifty years, 
from a paltry $13,000,000, when she entered the 
modern world in 1868, to over $1,000,000,000 in 
1918. If the trade of China should increase in the 
same proportion during the next fifty years, she 
would require $25,000,000,000 annually in imports, 



1 William H. Seward, after visiting the Far East, said: "The 
Pacific and the vast regions beyond will become the chief 
theater of events in the world's great hereafter." Mr. Taft said 
before the War: "The problem of the Pacific is the greatest 
problem now before the American people." Mr. Roosevelt said: 
"The Mediterranean era died with the discovery of America; 
the Atlantic era is now at the height of its development; the 
Pacific era, destined to be the greatest of all, is just at the 
dawn." Dr. Reinsch, the able Foreign Minister of the United 
States in China, wrote: "There have been great crises in past 
history, but none comparable to the drama which is now being 
enacted in the Far East, upon the outcome of which depends the 
welfare not only of a country, or a section of the race, but of all 
mankind." 

106 



JAPAN AFTER THE WAR 107 

or ten times the amount of the total export trade 
of the United States at the outbreak of the War. 

The problem of the Pacific is significant not only 
because of the vast populations and the growing 
trade upon its shores, but because it raises the great 
race question which confronts the American people. 
The white race numbers approximately 795,000,000, 
or forty-eight per cent of the world's population. 
The yellow race numbers 630,000,000, or about 
thirty-eight per cent. 2 These are the two great 
races of the world. 

America as the last outpost of the white race, and 
Japan as the representative of the Mongolian race, 
face one another across the Pacific. What is their 
future to be? The Mongolian race will present 
either a yellow peril or a golden opportunity. If 
there ever is a yellow peril, it will be one of our own 
making. Today one of our greatest opportunities 
for service lies in the Far East. Here also, unless we 
live up to the high idealism for which we entered the 
War, will he our chief danger of conflict. 

There are three expanding races in the world to- 
day, which have made, and will probably increas- 
ingly make, a deep impression upon the other races 
and peoples. These are the Anglo-Saxon, the 

2 According to Whitaker's Almanac, "The dominant color is 
yellow — the numerical order being, Mongolian, 655,000,000; 
Caucasian, 645,000,000; Negro, 190,000,000; Semitic, 81,000,000; 
Malayan, 52,000,000; Red Indian, 23,000,000; total 1,646,000,- 
000." 



108 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

Teutonic, and the Mongolian Japanese. We know 
the ideals for which the Anglo-Saxon race has 
striven to stand, though it has not always lived up 
to them — liberty, democracy, and righteousness. We 
know the grave menace of Prussian militarism, which 
we trust has been forever discredited by the War. 
WTiat is to be the nature of the Japanese expansion? 
Is it to be autocratic or democratic, militaristic or 
peaceful, Christian or pagan? That will depend 
largely upon America. The War has wrought a 
radical change of attitude in Japan toward America. 
The United States is no longer looked upon as a 
nation of money-grabbing, timid materialists, but 
as an efficient and powerful democracy. While 
traveling in Japan, we found more space given to 
America in the Japanese press than to any other 
nation ; this has trebled in the last few years. Japan 
is watching closely to see if America lives up to 
her ideals, or whether the high professions of the 
War were mere cant and hypocrisy to cover up 
a policy of materialistic selfishness at home and 
abroad. 

A visit to Japan this year and one to Germany 
before the War convinced the writer that there was 
a striking parallel between the past development of 
Japan and that of Prussia. The comparison holds 
good only up to the time of Count Terauchi's re- 
actionary cabinet. It is our firm belief that Japan 
has not been blind to the lesson of the War and that 



JAPAN AFTER THE WAR 109 

she will not follow the discredited policy of auto- 
cratic militarism. 

The German Empire which menaced the world 
under Prussian domination was marked by the 
following characteristics: It was a militaristic 
regime, based upon a feudal inheritance, centering 
in the almost absolute power of "the State"; sus- 
picious of democracy, it believed in the autocratic 
state control of education, of the press, of trade and 
commerce, and of legislation for social welfare; it 
consistently practiced a militaristic colonial rule, 
often with contempt for the peoples it had con- 
quered or controlled, and it had an efficient, world- 
wide intelligence department and spy system. 

The past history of Japan presents a striking 
similarity to these ten characteristics of Prussianism. 
We should remember that the Japanese Christian 
leaders, however, have the same ideals as our own. 
They condemn the past militaristic policy of their 
government as unsparingly as does any foreigner. 
They are the hope of the future. But there is a 
self-centered and militaristic trend in the Govern- 
ment inherited from the past which must be 
reckoned with. 

1. The Japanese have been an expanding and 
dominant race, organized under a strong militarism. 
They had a great military past and were a people 
of warriors more than two thousand years ago. 

2. Japan had a feudal inheritance from the past 



110 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

and is still to a large extent under the domination of 
the great Choshu and Satsuma clans. The leaders 
of the Choshu clan have largely controlled the army, 
the colonies, the home office, and the education of 
the country. Those of Satsuma have been dominant 
in the navy, the department of finance, and in 
industry. It was these clans which restored the 
Emperor to power fifty years ago. 

3. The power of the throne has been inviolable. 
The accepted tradition taught in the schools is that 
for more than twenty-five centuries Japan has been 
ruled by a single dynasty. The "Throne" was al- 
most worshiped. The people have existed for the 
Government rather than the Government for the 
people, although the theory in Japan was that the 
Emperor was the father and the people his children. 
In Prince Ito's striking phrase, "The word 'people' 
denoted merely a numerical mass of governed 
units." 3 Divided feudal Japan became united as a 
single nation fifty years ago, in 1868, after a military 
victory. The Japanese have firmly held that their 

3 The doctrine of Imperial Divinity has been expanded and 
sedulously propagated by the statesmen and bureaucrats dur- 
ing the past thirty years with marked effect. Thus Baron 
Oura, Minister of Home Affairs, said in February, 1911, 
"That the majesty of our Imperial House towers high above 
everything to be found in the world, and that it is as durable 
as heaven and earth is too well known to need dwelling 
on here. If it is considered that our country needs a religious 
faith, then, I say, let it be converted to a belief in the religion 
of patriotism and loyalty, the religion of Imperialism — in other 
words to Emperor-worship." 



JAPAN AFTER THE WAR 111 

emperor is divine and descended from the gods. The 
law of Use majeste protects the throne from public 
scrutiny, and a military oligarchy has acted in the 
name of the throne as the power behind it. 

4. The Government was based on autocracy and 
had an inherent dread of democracy and socialism. 
In Japan, until the end of the War, the very words 
democracy and socialism were in high disfavor. 
Films quoting parts of President Wilson's speeches 
were not allowed to be shown. If he wished to make 
the world "safe for democracy," that was the last 
thing that the autocratic oligarchy in Japan wished 
to see, as it inevitably threatened their system. So 
nervous was Japan that in 1912 a book on " The Social 
Habits of Animals" was suppressed by the police, 
fearing that it might encourage the doctrine of 
socialism. 

5. Japan consistently believed in the state control 
of education so as to buttress the cult of intense 
patriotism and unreflecting submission to the 
powers that be. In the primary schools the children 
were taught that they were "a peculiar people," 
with unique virtues. They were filled with a sense 
of their great destiny, and had a tendency to despise 
other nations, especially those smaller and weaker, 
or those which seemed to stand in the way of their 
manifest destiny. 

6. There was an autocratic control of the press. 
The "Elder Statesmen" and the Ministers of War 



112 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

and Navy could bring about the suppression of a 
newspaper or any edition which published matter 
considered objectionable to the authorities. Most of 
the papers have been controlled by members of the 
oligarchy and all were placed under a strict censor- 
ship. Japan has also exercised a powerful influence 
over the press of other nations. 

7. There has been a rapid and remarkable ex- 
pansion in trade and commerce under the direction 
and subsidy of the Government. They have en- 
couraged ship-building, and subsidized companies 
to enable them to compete successfully with foreign 
nations. They have controlled large government 
monopolies, including some of the principal prod- 
ucts in Korea and Formosa. 

8. The Government adopted a paternalistic 
attitude toward the nation. The people were taught 
to be grateful for benefits conferred upon them from 
above. A benevolent and efficient paternalism 
seemed more successful than a loose democracy. 

9. Japan had stood for a militaristic colonial rule. 
The German colonies offered a model to Japan. 
She followed the Prussian system rather than the 
British or American. The Japanese have devel- 
oped the material welfare of their colonies, but 
they have consistently limited every expression of 
liberty, of democracy, and of development toward 
self-government. In actual practice they have not 
stood for the open door of trade. If Germany had 



JAPAN AFTER THE WAR 113 

trusted her colonies and treated generously her con- 
quered people she would not have lost them. If 
Japan will but trust and treat generously the people 
of Korea, as brothers and equals, they will respond 
and reward her a hundred-fold, like the conquered 
Boers of South Africa who fought so loyally for 
Britain in the late war. 

10. Japan stood for an elaborate and efficient 
intelligence department. 

Japan and Germany thus were parallel in several 
aspects of their past development. Each was a mili- 
tary oligarchy administered by a bureaucracy in the 
name of a divine autocracy. German officers had 
trained the Japanese Army, and since the Russo- 
Japanese War Japan had turned to Prussia for many 
of her models. But, as we have said, she is standing 
today at the parting of the ways. We believe that 
during the period of reconstruction Japan will not try 
to follow the discredited system of militarism and seek 
the selfish exploitation of China and the Far East, but 
that she will learn the great lesson of the War that 
autocratic militarism and intolerant nationalism are 
forever doomed, because they are against the whole 
world's welfare. As the leader of the East, in un- 
selfish altruism she may fully enter into the brother- 
hood of nations. The writer believes implicitly in 
the Japanese people as a whole, and, like many of 
them, he is confident that the days of the narrow 
but able oligarchy are numbered. Just as they 



114 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

adapted themselves to the modern world in 1868, 
in one of the greatest changes known in all 
history, so they will adapt themselves to the 
present world movement for democracy. Even 
their conservative leaders will not be as slow to 
learn as the proud Prussian Junkers, nor will they 
make the same fatal mistake. We admire Japan's 
great past, we sympathize with her present difficul- 
ties, we believe in her greater future that is yet to be. 

The issue of the War will change the history of 
this nation. During our recent visit to Japan, as we 
interviewed her leaders and scanned her press, we 
became impressed with the fact that they were 
learning the lesson of the War. They have seen the 
futility and failure of an autocratic militarism based 
upon material science. Their former prototype and 
pattern has been utterly defeated and discredited, 
and there remains no successful example of auto- 
cratic militarism in the world. Militarism has 
produced Bolshevism. Repression has given birth 
to reaction. On the other hand, democracies are 
now seen to be efficient. Democracy has won the 
day and holds the fate of the future. 

There are many signs of the steady advance of 
democracy in Japan. The forcing out of the reac- 
tionary Terauchi cabinet in September, 1918, and 
its replacement by the liberal Hara cabinet were 
brought about by the press and public opinion. It 
gives us solid ground to believe that Japan has al- 



JAPAN AFTER THE WAR 115 

ready resolved to cast in her lot with the democratic 
peoples of the world. A host of her intelligent mid- 
dle class are in open sympathy with these peoples. 
Her best Christian leaders have the same democratic 
ideals as our own. Never before have the press and 
platform enjoyed such freedom. A score of her 
leaders stand forth as fearless critics, boldly pro- 
claiming the failure of Germany and the doom of 
Japan if she follows in her footsteps. They point 
out the true sincerity of Anglo-Saxon idealism and 
altruism and the success of democracy. Hara, the 
present premier, is the first commoner who has been 
called to that office, and is the leader of the dominant 
party, entitled " Friends of Constitutionalism." 
Japan now realizes that she cannot maintain herself 
in economic and political isolation. Her future is 
bound up with that of Great Britain and America. 
She is dependent upon these two countries and China 
for her raw products. If an open door of free trade, 
in thought and speech, in the press and on the plat- 
form, can be maintained for the next decade, it will 
mean the final triumph of democracy and of Christian 
ideals in Japan. 

Two forces have been contending for the possession 
of Japan, like the two principles which met in con- 
flict in the late War. On the one hand, there is the 
pagan and materialistic force utilizing the discoveries 
of Western science, organized under the still power- 
ful autocratic militarists, and inspired by the doctrine 



116 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

that might makes right. On the other hand, there 
is the spiritual force of liberty, democracy, and 
righteousness, inspired by the conviction that 
right makes might, that brotherhood, humanity, 
altruism, and Christian love are the principles that 
ultimately will dominate in Everybody's World. 

In a striking way these two forces have been 
brought to bear in recent years upon Japan. Pro- 
fessor Nitobe says: "At present one perceives in 
the Orient two currents of thought flowing from the 
Occident, molding the rising generation. One is 
derived from the continent of Europe . . . making 
for skepticism and decadence, often pessimistic, 
negative, and destructive; the other derived from the 
indefatigable spirit of the Anglo-Saxon race, con- 
structive, robust, forever ready to be up and doing, 
with a 'heart within and God o'erhead' ... I 
believe that, paradoxical as it may seem at first 
sight, it is through the young civilization of the 
United States that the old East will receive the 
freshest moral impulse." 4 In the impact of the 
West upon the East, two forces have thus been 
brought to bear upon impressionable Japan, the one 
Teutonic, the other Anglo-Saxon. 

It is not claimed for a moment that all of Ger- 
many's influence has been bad and all the Anglo- 
Saxon influence good, but it is claimed that the 
history of Japan will largely be determined by her 

4 "The Japanese Nation," page 313. 



JAPAN AFTER THE WAR 117 

choice between the material and the spiritual in- 
fluences brought to bear upon her. It was America 
which first opened Japan, and to her as her patron 
Japan turned in the first days of her tutelage. It 
was American leaders who largely shaped her educa- 
tion and early precedents in trade and commerce. 
Japan soon discovered, however, that Great Britain 
was also democratic, but that she had a monarchy, a 
king-emperor more nearly like her own, and to 
Britain she looked for most of her political and 
financial reforms. Finally, however, when Marquis 
Ito, her greatest statesman, traveled in Europe he 
discovered that the Prussian system was the one 
most congenial to Japan. The centralized, autocra- 
tic, militaristic, paternal, and efficient government 
appealed to him, and it was therefore on the Prussian 
model that Ito drew up the constitution. From 
Germany Japan received the plan for her army, her 
medical science, and much of the system of her 
universities. The philosophy of Nietzsche, the 
materialism of German scientists like Haeckel, and 
the utilitarian view of life were eagerly accepted. 

Japan does not ask for the promiscuous dumping 
of her excess population upon our Pacific shores. 
She herself has an imperial ordinance to protect her 
labor market against the indiscriminate immigration 
of the Chinese. She does not permit foreigners to 
hold land in fee simple, though they can hold it on 
long lease or through corporations under Japanese 



118 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

civil law. Japan only asks that she be not gratuit- 
ously and deliberately insulted by invidious dis- 
crimination, which shall brand her people as an 
inferior race. If such a plan as Dr. Sidney Gulick 
has suggested were adopted, Japan could find no 
logical objection and it would appeal to her innate 
sense of justice. He suggests that a general law 
might be passed limiting the immigration of any 
nationality to a certain percentage of its nationals 
who are already citizens of the United States. This 
would limit the number of Japanese and Chinese and 
uneducated Asiatics, and certain of the less desirable 
classes of Europe, and would prevent indiscriminate 
immigration without invidious reflection upon any 
nation or race. On the other hand, our exclusion 
law against the Chinese is a plain violation of our 
treaty with China, and it is a disgrace to al- 
low it to stand on the statute books of a nation 
which is called Christian and which boasts of its 
devotion to truth and justice. 

In case of war any nation which had command 
of the sea could easily isolate Japan, and cut her off 
from Korea and the mainland. She would be forced 
to make terms, with her trade annihilated and de- 
pendent on others for her supply of cotton, iron, 
nitrates, rice, flour, and other foodstuffs. But no 
nation could land upon her shores and conquer her 
there. Japan, on the other hand, would be utterly 
unable and would make no attempt whatever to 



JAPAN AFTER THE WAR 119 

land upon the shores of America. A war brought on 
by suspicion, jealousy, hatred, or by the influence 
of yellow journalism or unfriendly legislation, would 
be criminal and contrary to all our ideals. The vast 
rational majority of both countries neither desires 
nor expects it. 

America stands in a position of peculiar advantage 
and responsibility for helping Japan in this second 
crisis in her modern history. All we need is to live 
up to the ideals that we have repeatedly proclaimed 
in this War. If we do so, if we ourselves are true to 
liberty, democracy, righteousness, and world brother- 
hood in our cooperation with Japan, China, and 
Asia, the battle will be won for democracy and 
Christianity. Let us try to put ourselves in Japan's 
place. Suppose we had an overcrowded population 
at home, increasing at the rate of nearly a million a 
year, with a lack of raw materials, with not enough 
land even to supply rice and food stuffs for our own 
population, shut out from the most favored portions 
of the earth by exclusion laws which seemed humil- 
iating and insulting, what would be our attitude 
towards such foreign powers? Let us give Japan an 
open door to the raw materials, trade, and markets 
that she must have. Let us only ask that she shall 
fully respect the rights of trade of all other nations 
represented in China and throughout Asia. 

We should help Japan first of all because of our 
own ideals. We should help her because of her 



120 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

tremendous importance. Japan is the rudder of 
Asia. She is a mighty force for good or evil. Her 
influence will extend throughout the East and will 
react upon the West. If we have found our true 
life in liberty and democracy and Christian civiliza- 
tion let us share it with her. 

Three forces are bringing the nations together, 
with their shuttles of friendly intercourse weaving 
the warp and woof of the international fabric of the 
future. These are the intercourse of foreign trade, 
the sharing of common ideals through Western 
education, and the extension of the principles which 
he at the foundation of our life through the friendly 
ministry of Christian missions. 

If we are concerned with humanity, no nation is 
of greater moment than Japan. The first of the 
Oriental nations to awaken, the Japanese are today 
the strong and dominant race in all Asia, and Asia 
represents over half our world. Japan proper has 
an area about equal to Montana, or a little less than 
California. Her dependency of Korea has an area 
about equal to Kansas or Minnesota. 5 

Japan is an island empire composed of four large 

islands and nearly 4,000 smaller ones raised from the 

Area Sq. Population 

Miles in 1919 

5 Japan proper 147,655 60,000,000 

Chosen, Korea 84,000 16,500,000 

Other Dependencies 26,611 3,610,441 

Total 258,266 80,110,441 



JAPAN AFTER THE WAR 121 

ocean bed by volcanic activity. It is a mountainous 
country of exquisite beauty. As we neared the shore 
we saw the great Fujiyama, one of the most beautiful 
mountains in the world, with a snow-capped peak 
rising to a height of over 12,000 feet. Through the 
month of April, we found Japan one glory of pink 
cherry blossoms, and throughout all the seasons of 
the year there was no time when flowers were not 
an object of delight to this artistic and nature-loving 
people. While nature has lavished a wealth of 
beauty upon these islands, with their ever changing 
panorama of mountain and valley, of land and sea, 
man, on the other hand, has developed their artistic 
beauty. Second only to the Greeks in their capacity 
for decorative art, the Japanese have a love of 
nature and an appreciation of the beautiful more 
universal among all classes than can be found in any 
other people in the world. 

But although Japan is a land of beauty, it is also 
a land of poverty. Only fourteen per cent of the total 
area of the country is under cultivation, and less than 
twenty per cent is capable of being tilled. The over- 
crowded population possesses only one-twentieth 
of the surface of the earth, and must find some out- 
let. Japan has but few undeveloped resources. She 
is poor in her supply of coal, poorer still in iron and 
most metals. A million people are living in the low 
East Side of Tokyo, subject to frequent inundations, 
and the submerged population forms one-tenth of 



122 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

the whole. We passed through slums where in 
abject poverty, yet always in patience, with a cour- 
tesy and politeness that would put us to shame, these 
people are struggling to live on five to six dollars a 
month. 

The character of the Japanese can be better under- 
stood if we recall for a moment their peculiar history, 
although those who are familiar with it will find this 
superfluous. Japan's history may be divided for 
convenience into three periods, ancient, medieval, 
and modern. 
I. Ancient. The Patriarchal Period of the Clans. 

600 B.C-550 A.D. 
II. Medieval. 550 A.D.-1853. 

1. Introduction of Buddhism and Continen- 

tal Civilization. 552 A.D. 

2. Era of Feudalism and Civil Wars. 794- 

1638. 

3. Period of Isolation, under Tokugawa Sho- 

gunate. 1638-1853. 
III. Modern. 

1. The Landing of Commodore Perry and 

Opening to Foreigners. 1853. 

2 . The Era of Enlightenment under Restored 

Imperial Rule. 1868. 

3. Adoption of Constitution and Beginning 

of Industrial Era. 1889. 
In the ancient period we find the warring tribes 
or clans gradually conquered by the house of 



JAPAN AFTER THE WAR 123 

Yamato, as the head of the dominant tribe, until 
its leader finally becomes the Mikado. In this 
legendary or semi-historical period, we find the first 
emperor, Jimmu, ascending the throne in 660 B.C. 
Japan has had but a single dynasty for more than 
twenty-five centuries and the present emperor is the 
124th in the direct line of descent or adoption. This 
has no parallel in history. In 552 A.D. Buddhism 
was introduced into Japan from Korea, bringing 
not only its religious ideas, but education, culture, 
arts, industries, literature, and a whole wealth of 
life to Japan, as Confucianism had brought in the 
moral code and culture of China. 

Christianity was introduced into Japan by the 
great missionary to Asia, Francis Xavier, in 1549, 
and rapidly spread throughout the islands, until in 
the next century the Catholic community reached 
nearly half a million. The military Shogun Iyeyasu, 
angered at the political intrigues and quarrels of the 
Jesuits, and the struggles of rival leaders under cover 
of the cloak of Christianity, and fearing further 
foreign interference, finally issued an edict banishing 
the missionaries and prohibiting the foreign religion. 
Many were crucified at Nagasaki, scores of priests 
were killed and some 200,000 faithful Christians 
bravely laid down their lives. The Japanese Chris- 
tians by their heroism, fortitude, and utter fearless- 
ness repeated the glorious annals of the early 
persecutions of the Church in the catacombs of 



124 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

Rome. Thus Christianity was banished in blood 
and from 1638 to 1853 Japan became the hermit 
nation of the world, forbidding all foreigners to 
enter and all Japanese to leave the country. 

It was America which had the privilege of in- 
troducing Japan to the new world. When Perry 
broke the long silence of the centuries and dropped 
anchor in the harbor of Yedo near Tokyo, Japan 
looked upon all the rest of the world as "outer bar- 
barians." Perry returned the following year and on 
March 31, 1854, a treaty of friendship was signed 
between the United States and Japan. His vessels 
were not only armed with guns but loaded with gifts 
and inventions from America to serve as object 
lessons of the achievements of Western civilization. 6 

Japan was now faced with the greatest problem of 
her history. Should she open her doors to the 
foreigners, and begin trade and intercourse with the 
modern world, or should she fight and maintain her 
isolated, medieval, feudal rule? The leaders of 
Japan were convulsed with the conflict over this 
tremendous issue, but with that sagacity and wis- 
dom which have distinguished them ever since, the 
leaders revolutionized their policy and placed their 
country in the midst of the modern world. The com- 

6 Perry's gifts to the emperor included the electric telegraph, 
the steam locomotive and train, the telescope, life-boats, stoves, 
clocks, sewing-machines, agricultural implements and machinery, 
standard scales, weights, measures, maps, and charts. Griffis, 
"Life of Perry," p. 368. 



JAPAN AFTER THE WAR 125 

pleteness with which Japan turned right about face 
and accepted the spirit of the new age was well nigh 
unparalleled in history. The military Shoguns, 
after an almost absolute rule of two and a half 
centuries, surrendered their power to the new em- 
peror, then only fifteen years of age. The Daimyo, 
or feudal lords, yielded up their provincial power and 
pledged their loyalty in a new national patriotism 
which bound them to the throne. The boy emperor, 
Mutsuhito, backed by the leaders of the powerful 
clans, took the famous charter oath, and in 1868 the 
era of Meiji or "enlightened rule" was begun. The 
emperor promised representative government sup- 
ported by public opinion, the development of the 
social welfare of the whole people, and political re- 
form as practiced by the most enlightened nations. 7 
In accordance with the promises of the emperor, 
experts and advisors from every nation were called 
to Japan, and for thirty years more than 3,000 
foreigners labored in the military, naval, financial, 
and political reconstruction of the empire. In 1859 
the first Protestant missionaries entered the country 
and began their work of reform. Count Okuma, who 
was himself influenced by the great American educa- 
tor Verbeck, the instructor of so many of the future 
leaders of the nation, often refers to the powerful 

7 Japan's birthday of freedom was on July 14, 1853, just sixty- 
four years after Bastille Day in France, July 14, 1789. She 
entered her era of enlightenment in 1868, eight years after the 
unification of Italy, and three years before that of Germany. 



126 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

and pervasive influence of these makers of the new 
Japan. 8 As a result of this foreign intercourse, the 
nation progressed by leaps and bounds. Feudalism 
was abolished. The Eta, or outcasts, numbering 
more than 1,000,000, who had been counted as 
"animals," received the rank of citizenship as 
human beings and were enrolled among the popu- 
lation. 

In the years following 1870, Japan built her first 
telegraph line, her first railway, the first system of 
lighthouses along her coasts; she inaugurated a 
modern postal system which was so rapidly de- 
veloped that she enjoyed universal free delivery, 
postal savings banks, and a parcels post even before 
the United States. There soon followed the first 
newspapers, a modern mint, docks and ship yards, 
and the first educational law, which laid the founda- 
tion of free and compulsoiy primary education, 
until today Japan claims to have 98 per cent of her 
children under instruction. The edicts prohibiting 
Christianity were removed, and freedom in re- 



8 " Fortunately the missionaries and educators, whom the 
United States sent to Japan about this time, were all men of 
piety, moderation, and good sense, and their sincerity and 
kindness produced on the minds of our countrymen a profound 
impression ... all these did immense service in introducing 
Japan to the rest of the world and in cultivating the minds of the 
Japanese people, and such work was mostly done by American 
residents in Japan. These circumstances completely changed 
our attitude towards Christianity." "Fifty Years of New 
Japan," by Count Okuma, pp. 91-92. 



JAPAN AFTER THE WAR 127 

ligious worship, freedom of the press and speech 
followed, and the Christian calendar was adopted. 
Buddhism and Shinto were disestablished. The 
Bible was translated, and Christian schools and 
colleges were founded throughout the empire by 
missionaries from the West. 

Probably no country in the world has ever made 
more rapid and remarkable advance than did Japan 
during the forty-five years of the reign of Meiji, 
the late emperor, from 1868 to 1912. During this 
single reign, the area of the country was increased 
seventy-five per cent ; the population increased from 
30,000,000 to 60,000,000; the revenue increased 
ten-fold, and the foreign trade more than forty-fold, 
from $13,120,000 to $550,000,000. 

In the light of her past history and achievements, 
we may now better understand the character of her 
people. If we were to sum up the outstanding 
characteristics of the Japanese in a single sentence, 
we would say that they are intensely patriotic, 
practical, highly intelligent, ambitious, and imita- 
tive, with a capacity to adopt and adapt all that is 
best from other nations; they are enthusiastic, 
aesthetic with a passionate love for the beautiful, 
cheerful, fight-hearted, courteous and polite, and 
above all progressive and open-minded to new ideas. 
No nation has made so many changes, has renounced 
so many old customs and institutions, or adopted so 
many new practices in the last generation as has 



128 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

Japan. In moral character the Japanese are marked 
by strong loyalty, filial piety, and self-control. 
Bushido, or "the warrior's way," the code of 
knightly honor of the ancient Samurai or feudal 
soldiers of Japan, developed the qualities of courage, 
endurance, fortitude in suffering, absolute obedience, 
the suppression of all show of feeling, and loyalty. 
Buddhism developed their love of art, gentleness, 
pity, and the strain of pessimism and fatalism found 
among the people. Shinto taught cleanliness and 
simplicity. 

Japan has been so busy appropriating the vast 
complex of an outward material civilization of the 
West that she has not so fully received or understood 
the spiritual and unseen, the heart and soul of 
Christian civilization. There is a vein of materialism 
still running through much of the modern civiliza- 
tion of Japan. It would be strange if this were not 
so. Her faults are sociological rather than biological, 
the temporary result of her environment rather than 
the essential or permanent characteristics of the 
people. Nearly all nations have found it easier to 
adopt first the outward or material; the inward or 
spiritual comes later and is more difficult. How 
rapid has been our own advance in material civiliza- 
tion ; but how little we can boast, as we found in the 
first chapter, if we look at the inward and the 
spiritual, the social, moral, and religious aspects of 
our national life. 



JAPAN AFTER THE WAR 129 

There is no country more misunderstood than 
Japan, and there is no country which America in 
particular more needs to understand. A thousand 
years of repressive Bushido and warring feudalism 
have made the Japanese necessarily reserved, sensi- 
tive, and suspicious, even towards one another. They 
are not by nature so open, frank, and friendly as 
the Chinese. But truth and fairness impel us to do 
them justice. It is frequently asserted in a sweeping 
generalization that the Chinese are honest and the 
Japanese are dishonest; and that they have to 
employ Chinese assistants for their banks because 
they cannot trust their own people. It would be 
difficult to make a more false statement. Yet this 
threadbare He will doubtless be repeated in America 
for years to come. 9 Japan's military feudal regime 
developed the qualities of courage and loyalty 
rather than the commercial virtues of the Chinese 
guild system. In business, the Chinese early learned 
that honesty is the best policy. In their political 
life, however, the Japanese are far more honest 
than the Chinese and would compare favorably with 
Americans. Their municipal politics have rarely 



•Chinese tellers were and are still used in foreign banks in 
Japan, whose head offices were in China. These tellers were 
expert in dealing with Chinese fractional currency and were 
experienced in the policy and methods of these foreign banks. 
But Japanese banks in Japan do not employ a single Chinese 
teller and they never needed to do so because of any lack of 
confidence in their own people. 



130 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

sunk to the depths of the cesspools of Tammany 
Hall and the system of political rings, bosses, and 
graft of our own great cities. 

When the writer was in inland China a bank was 
opened by the Japanese. Immediately there was a 
rush to deposit in it by the Chinese who knew their 
money would be safe there. The men of the best 
f amilies in ancient Japan were warriors and scholars ; 
all money making was despised and trade was left 
to the lower classes. Honesty is not so readily de- 
veloped under a military regime as under a commer- 
cial system like that in China. But the best men of 
Japan are now throwing themselves into business 
and the professions, and the standard of commercial 
honesty is rapidly rising, and will compare favorably 
with that of other nations. 

Japan was molded in her medieval life by three 
religions. Shinto, "the way of the gods," a simple 
combination of primitive nature and ancestor wor- 
ship, has been developed into a national code of 
patriotism and emperor worship. Confucianism 
supplied Japan with a moral code as the finest flower 
and gift of China's civilization. Buddhism, with 
its religious hopes and fears, brought to Japan the 
choicest gift which India could give her in "The 
Light of Asia." 

Her three ancient religions and the barren mate- 
rialism of Western science all combined have failed 
to give Japan the great central truth and mighty 



JAPAN AFTER THE WAR 131 

dynamic of life for the individual, the family, and the 
nation. All combined have not given her what the 
message of good news of Christianity alone can im- 
part. The universal and loving fatherhood of one 
God; the mighty inclusive brotherhood of one 
humanity; the peace and blessing of abundant spirit- 
ual life; the personal purity, integrity, and unswerv- 
ing honesty of moral righteousness; the reverence 
for women which creates true homes; the passion for 
social justice for the poor and oppressed, which come 
with true Christianity — this is what Japan needs 
and this is what we can share with her in the great 
principle of brotherhood. The leaders of modern 
Japan have always regarded religion as a means to 
some ulterior end. They have not yet produced a 
single profoundly religious statesman. Japan has 
not yet had a Gladstone, a Washington, or a Lincoln. 
Nevertheless, the record of the progress of the 
dynamic principles of Christianity in this generation 
in Japan has been more significant, though less 
obvious, than her material advance. It is here that 
the idealism of America is needed. Let us mark the 
achievement and the record of modern Christian 
missions in one short generation. The number of 
missionaries has increased in the last fifty years 
from ten to 1428; the Christians from four to 213,819; 
while the Christian community of adherents is sev- 
eral times as large, and a leading Japanese estimates 
that " there are in Japan a million persons who are 



132 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

fashioning their conduct according to the prin- 
ciples of Jesus Christ." The Sunday schools grew 
from nothing to an enrolment of 156,245. Fifty years 
ago there was no Japanese Bible available, today its 
circulation runs into the millions. There was then 
hardly an asylum or hospital in the land. Christian- 
ity has been the pioneer in establishing schools for 
girls, hospitals, refuges for the poor, the blind, the 
fatherless, the leper, the outcast, and the criminal. 
As Count Okuma says, "the direct influence of 
Christianity has poured into every realm of Japanese 
life." 

Japan needs today a strong central Christian 
university adequately endowed. There is need of 
strengthening the Christian forces in their educa- 
tional, evangelistic, medical, literary, and social 
service activities. Nothing but the truth will finally 
triumph in Japan and we believe that she will be- 
come ultimately a Christian country as surely as 
our own. Japan will yet share in the enlightenment 
and evangelization of Asia and will have her full 
part in Everybody's World. 



VI 
THE CRISIS IN CHINA 

China appeals to the mind, the heart, the imagina- 
tion. As we have come in contact with her people 
during recent months and moved through her toiling 
cities, we have been impressed anew with her vast 
magnitude, her great antiquity, her unmeasured 
resources, her immediate need, and her immense 
future possibilities. 

China has an area twelve times that of Great 
Britain or seven times that of France. Her area 
represents a quarter of all Asia, and nearly one- 
twelfth of the world. Her teeming population is 
estimated at 400,000,000, or eight times that of 
Japan, nearly ten times that of Great Britain, and 
four times that of the United States. Approximately, 
of every four men in the world, one lives in China. 
And the destiny of nearly one-quarter of the human 
race matters profoundly in Everybody's World. 
As Abraham Lincoln said of the common people, 
God must love them because He made so many of 
them. 

The Chinese are remarkable for their great 
antiquity. They are one of the three root races of 
the world. They formed the ancient "Middle King- 
dom," when all around them were "outer bar- 
barians." China was clad in silks and civilized 

133 



134 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

when our ancestors were little more than savages. 
Before the eighth century, she had reached her zenith 
in art, in literature, and in ancient industries, while 
Europe was in the Dark Ages. 

China impresses us also with her great resources. 
As we journeyed through her inland provinces we 
saw rich veins of coal and iron jutting out at the 
very surface. We passed through the province of 
Shansi, where the German geologist, Baron von 
Richthofen, estimated that the coal in this province 
alone would furnish the world's supply for some cen- 
turies. In another province we passed a vein of 
coal now being mined at the surface, which runs from 
100 to 170 feet in width, and is probably the widest 
vein known in the world. China has a fertile soil, 
well watered, with a network of canals and rivers 
that make the finest waterways in the world; she 
has a favorable climate in the temperate zone, and 
resembles America in her ability to maintain a large 
population both by agriculture and manufacture. 
The Far East will become one of the great trade 
centers of the world. All nations are vitally inter- 
ested in its development. 

In spite of her great magnitude, antiquity, and 
resources, China's immediate need is overwhelming. 
Plunged into the form of republican government 
before she had time for the preparation, education, 
and democratization necessary to stand the strain 
of modern life, China's position is most precarious. 



THE CRISIS IN CHINA 135 

She is in the midst of civil war between the north 
and the south. Swept by flood and famine, she has 
not had time to develop her vast resources before 
she was preyed upon as spoil for other nations. 
Unable to maintain law and order in the face of 
rising bandit armies from within, and menaced by 
dangerous and subtle foes without, her Government 
is today in danger of breaking down. Her ancient 
religions have not produced an official class sufficient- 
ly honest, fearless, patriotic, and progressive to save 
China in the present crisis. 

To recall China's past, however, fills us with hope 
for her future. This ancient nation alone survives 
after witnessing the rise and fall of Nineveh and 
Babylon, Assyria and Persia, Greece and Rome, the 
Empire of Charlemagne and the mushroom growths 
of medieval Europe. China saw the Aryans entering 
India, civilization rising in Egypt, the Greeks under 
Alexander conquering the world, yet she survives 
them all. More than thirty-five centuries ago the 
civilization of China was advanced in her intellectual, 
social, and economic life, in writing, in the decimal 
system, and in engineering, irrigation, and canals. 
Two thousand years ago she possessed a rich litera- 
ture, conducted competitive examinations, carried 
on commerce with Rome, and used cannon in 
warfare. 

When Marco Polo visited China in the thirteenth 
century he found it far in advance of Europe in its 



136 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

civilization. China had used gunpowder before the 
Christian era; she had used the compass centuries 
before our ancestors were civilized; she had dis- 
covered the art of printing from movable type five 
hundred years before Gutenberg at Mainz. Her 
porcelains and works of art were the admiration of 
the ancient world. To safeguard her ancient civiliza- 
tion she built the Great Wall across her northern 
boundary for 1,500 miles to shut out the barbarians, 
and erected nearly 1,700 walled cities throughout 
the empire. 

We are impressed by the majestic march of this 
mighty people through forty long centuries. They 
have outlived twenty-four proud dynasties; they 
have survived the rule of their own autocrats and of 
foreign conquerors. We stand in reverence in their 
great ancestral halls, where our Chinese friends look 
back on an unbroken line for more than twenty cen- 
turies, and record the names of their ancestors for 
more than sixty-seven generations. If we agree with 
Hegel that the events that have taken place in his- 
tory are essentially God's work, we must believe 
that He has some great providential purpose for 
this race, which like that of the Hebrews goes on 
forever. 

China is impressive not only because of her size, 
her antiquity, her rich resources, and her present 
need, but because of her vast possibilities. Her chief 
wealth lies in the character of her people. She may 



THE CRISIS IN CHINA 137 

yet fulfil Napoleon's prophecy, "When China is 
moved, she will move the world." John Hay, de- 
claring that the storm center of the world would pass 
from the Balkans to the Far East, said, "Whoever 
understands this mighty empire, socially, politically, 
economically, religiously, has the key to world pol- 
itics for the next five centuries." The Chinese people 
are hardworking, industrious, frugal, law-abiding, 
orderly, and highly intelligent. They are obedient 
and courteous, peaceful and practical, loyal in their 
relationships. They are just, honest, naturally 
democratic, with no aristocracy of birth or wealth 
but only that of learning and ability. They are con- 
servative, they honor character, they are adaptable, 
capable of thriving in any climate or under any 
conditions, and survive all other nations when 
brought in competition with them. 1 

The most striking characteristic of the Chinese 
people is their moral earnestness. Their courage and 
heroism were proved to the whole world during the 
Boxer uprising, when 16,000 of them forfeited their 
lives rather than deny their faith in Christ, offer 
incense to the gods, or trample upon a piece of paper 
bearing the symbol of the Cross. Probably Con- 

x Sir Robert Hart, after forty years in China, wrote: "The 
Chinese are well behaved, law-abiding, intelligent, economical, 
and industrious. They can learn anything, and do anything. 
They are punctiliously polite, they worship talent, and they 
believe in right so firmly that they scorn to think that right 
requires to be supported or enforced by might. These are 
qualities not of isolated cases, but of the race as a whole." 



138 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

fucianism has produced in them the highest moral 
character of any non-Christian nation in the world. 
Yet our recent visit convinces us that China in her 
Government and in some aspects of her civilization 
is breaking down under the strain of modern life, 
and that no non-Christian religion is adequate per- 
manently to sustain a nation, and to furnish the 
constant stimulus to progress which will enable it to 
survive in the fierce competition of the modern 
world. The plain fact is that China today des- 
perately needs Christian civilization and the moral 
leadership of Christian character, for all her religions 
of the past have failed her in this hour of crisis. 

If we agree that civilization is the harmonious 
development of the entire life of a people, spiritually, 
morally, intellectually, socially, politically, and 
materially, then we find that in each of these phases 
China, especially in her Government, is in danger of 
breaking down under the strain of modern life. 

We write in deepest friendship for China, with 
strong love for her great people, with confident hope 
for her future. But we can see only one solution in 
her present crisis. In the spiritual sphere, at the 
very heart and center of fife, is to be found China's 
deepest need. Her ethical system has centered not 
in God as a personal Father, but in a self-centered 
"superior man." In large measure the spiritual and 
divine have been ignored. Starting from this false 
center, the moral maxims of Confucius have produced, 



THE CRISIS IN CHINA 139 

at best, a prudential morality, an enlightened and 
calculating self-interest, with the result that the 
whole life of the nation today is honeycombed with 
selfishness. The main cause of the present break- 
down of China's political life is the lack of honesty 
and moral character on the part of her officials . 
This is not caused by any essential defect in the 
character of the Chinese people, but because of the 
false center of their materialistic system. . 

If we pass to the intellectual and educational sphere 
we find that China is among the mosfciback warg^ pf 
all the great nations. 

^t^Uiiancl and onj^ajjBP^Tris in a thoulahd are in 
school. Nine-tenths of the population cannot read 
and write. Although China has in theory adopted 
the modern methods of education, her present 
officials are so corrupt that they have failed to 
provide a satisfactory educational system. This also 
is due to no defect in the people themselves, as is 
demonstrated by their literary past and the record 
which Chinese students are making in other lands. 

If we turn to her social life we find China's need 
even greater. As we visited her mills and factories, 
we saw the crying social needs of her womanhood, 
her childhood, and manhood, of the toiling masses 
of the great cities and the poor of the provinces. 
We have witnessed the sad sight of weary troops of 
children from twelve years of age and upward at 
five o'clock in the morning coming from the mills 



140 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

after their long night's toil, and another plodding 
company coming to begin their day's work at dawn. 
Politically, China is under a dark cloud of mis- 
government. Many of the leading Chinese feel that 
she now seems to be in danger of losing the priceless 
treasure of her independence. 

If, last of all, we turn to the material and economic 
life of this great people, we find the same pathetic 
need. Roads and railways, mines and factories, 
trade and commerce, are alike undeveloped. In her 
material wealth China stands with India as the 
poorest of the great nations. In agriculture she is 
using the same plough, the same methods which 
were discarded by other nations centuries ago. Is 
it, then, too much to say that under the pressure of 
modern life, China seems to be in danger of breaking 
down in government, and is failing in her spiritual, 
moral, educational, social, political, and material 
life? Unquestionably there have been times of 
greater corruption during periods of transition at the 
fall of dynasties in China's past history. But then 
China was isolated, the " Middle Kingdom" in a 
medieval world, where she had leisure to work out 
her own salvation unmolested and apart. Today she 
finds herself in the fierce struggle for existence in 
the midst of the modern world, and she must set 
her own house in order to receive help from without. 

As the most changeless nation of antiquity, and 
as the most conservative of all peoples, the Chinese 



THE CRISIS IN CHINA 141 

astonished the world in 1911 by a.sudden and almost 
bloodless revolution, adopting a constitution, and 
proclaiming a republic. But China had not the 
foundation of a Christian civilization, of education, 
and trained moral leadership suddenly to stand the 
strain of democracy and the conduct of a successful 
republic. The sanctions of Confucianism had sur- 
rounded the people with such restrictions that they 
had learned to be honest in the family, the clan, and 
the guild. In business the Chinese were honest from 
policy rather than from conscience or character. 
The officials, however, underpaid, surrounded by a 
throng of hungry subordinates and burdensome 
relatives, inheriting the corrupt traditions of the 
Manchus, turned to "squeeze" and bribery as their 
traditional perquisite. The result is today that the 
officials of China are probably the most corrupt of 
any nation in the world. Some of them have been 
selling out the nation's treasures of coal and iron, 
and mortgaging her priceless resources to representa- 
tives of a foreign power. China is a loose agglomera- 
tion of family units, loyal to the family, but un- 
developed in national consciousness, in patriotism, 
and in public service. Lawlessness is growing and 
bandits are increasing in many provinces. We found 
that armored cars were being run on the principal 
railway of China to protect the trains from the as- 
saults of robber bands. Famine and flood have dev- 
astated the north. War and revolution have wasted 



142 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

Central China in the conflict between the north and 
south. Under the soil lie undeveloped resources 
of mineral wealth, but above the soil her people toil 
in poverty and want, and China's progress is crippled 
and arrested. 

During his last week in China the writer met the 
delegates who had come from the north and the 
south in an effort to make peace and end the Chinese 
Revolution before the European Peace Conference. 
We told the delegates that we believed there were 
four possible choices in the present crisis in China, and 
they agreed with us that these fairly represented the 
conditions: 

1. China will now have one last chance to save 
the situation from within. This can be done only 
by reconciliation between the north and the south, 
by ending the widespread " squeeze," graft, and 
corruption now prevailing among the officials of 
China, and by doing away with the dangerous power 
of the military governors, who, with their provincial 
armies or undisciplined armed mobs, threaten the 
government and control policies for their own selfish 
ends. 

2. If China cannot speedily put her house in 
order politically, and if conditions continue to grow 
worse, she must drift into bankruptcy, internal 
strife, and the breakdown of her own Government. 
This might result in the temporary or partial loss of 
her independence. She cannot possibly go on at the 



THE CRISIS IN CHINA 143 

present rate, for she is gradually losing control of 
law and order, of her economic resources, and her 
political autonomy. 

3. If China does not end her dissensions and 
check the corruption of her officials, who are be- 
traying her and selling out her interests, another 
power which has already secured valuable conces- 
sions of a large portion of her coal, iron, and mineral 
wealth, choice railway and commercial privileges 
and some of her territory, may endeavor to control 
China. This is not the fault of the people of this 
foreign nation, who as yet have little voice in the 
control of their own public affairs, but is due to the 
militaristic policy of the little clique of their oli- 
garchic clan government, which has hitherto con- 
trolled the policy of that nation for their own 
national interests. 

4. If China becomes bankrupt and cannot control 
her own situation, with this pressure brought to bear 
from without for exploitation, the League of Na- 
tions, or a group of powers, may feel forced to take 
over the finances and some regulation of the govern- 
ment, under an international control or receivership 
for a period of years. We found many of China's 
leaders themselves suggesting such a plan. This 
should never be permitted, however, except as a 
last resort. Foreign control is fraught with danger 
because of its selfish interests. But, on the other 
hand, no nation can go headlong to destruction 



144 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

without being a menace to other nations as well. 
No nation can now live to itself alone. Bolshevism 
rampant in Russia is contagious for the rest of the 
world. Misgovernment in Mexico inevitably affects 
not only a few capitalists but nations as well. An 
unsanitary cesspool, breeding disease in the slums 
of a great city, affects the life and welfare of the 
entire community. And the misgovernment of one 
quarter of the human race vitally affects the other 
three quarters. 

A temporary receivership would not end China's 
autonomy. Should this occur there would at once 
be a widespread awakening of patriotism in the 
nation, as among the Poles and other conquered 
peoples. Education and democracy would spread. 
No combination of powers would be able permanent- 
ly to withhold China's autonomy from her. Some- 
one has said that any power could take China if it 
provided 400,000,000 policemen to keep it. The 
Chinese are naturally democratic and liberty loving, 
and woe to the power that seeks selfishly to exploit 
them! The giant will one day be roused and will 
take back its own. Should an international control 
of China take place, even this situation would have 
its elements of hope. Under a stable and peaceful 
government, we would have time to train a sufficient 
number of strong Christian leaders to enable China 
to resume her independence and autonomy. 

During the Peace Conference in Paris, the edu- 



THE CRISIS IN CHINA 145 

cated leaders in China were deeply stirred and 
indignant over the proposal that Japan should hold 
the German territory and concessions in Shan- 
tung Province. They felt that Japan had no more 
right to this territory than Britain had to the portion 
of Belgium which she had conquered from the 
Germans. On May 17, 1919, the students of Peking 
went on a complete strike in protest against the 
surrender of Shantung to the Japanese. On June 
3rd these students went out in lecturing bands to all 
parts of the city to protest against this loss of 
Chinese autonomy. Ten or twelve students in each 
band carried a banner bearing the name of their 
institution. Crowds gathered to listen to the 
student orators. The traffic policemen were unable 
to disperse the crowds. As telephone calls came from 
all parts of the city from the helpless policemen, the 
cavalry was called out to break up the crowds; 
but as fast as the audiences were scattered, they re- 
assembled about the lecturers who held their 
ground. 

In the afternoon, the military forces were sent 
out to arrest the lecturers. As the jails of the city 
could not hold the students, the police took over the 
Law College of the Government University. Two 
hundred lecturers were soon arrested. On the next 
day, five hundred more students went out to lecture 
with the expectation of being arrested, carrying 
blankets and food ready to go to prison. As the 



146 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

students were captured and brought in, they were 
cheering and shouting, "Long live the Republic," 
while an answering cheer came from those already- 
arrested, "Long live the students." Nine hundred 
students were soon confined, but the student or- 
ganization was prepared to send out five hundred 
new lecturers every day until all the students should 
be arrested. 

On June 4th seven hundred women students 
marched to the President's Palace to present a 
petition on behalf of the men who had been arrested, 
and demanded the right to further the movement 
for the sale of home products against Japanese goods. 
Public sentiment was strongly with the students 
against the officials. By Thursday night, June 5th, 
the Government surrendered and withdrew the 
guards, but the students refused to leave their 
prisons. They demanded that they be granted the 
right of free speech, that the Government should 
apologize for having wrongfully arrested them, and 
that the students should have the right of making 
a demonstration throughout the city. This demand 
the officials were finally compelled to grant. 

On June 8th the students marched in triumph 
through the city and placed their lecturing bands 
throughout Peking. The residences of the Chinese 
ministers who had favored Japan were attacked and 
looted. Finally these ministers resigned and the 
students had won. On June 29th the President re- 



THE CRISIS IN CHINA 147 

ceived a student delegation and assured them that 
China would not sign the Peace Treaty forfeiting 
her rights in Shantung. This is typical of the 
democratic spirit among the students of China 
after eight years of republican education. The stu- 
dent strikes and boycott of Japanese goods are the 
most potent political force in China at the present 
moment. 

As in the case of Japan, two forces have been 
brought to bear upon China in the past: The 
material force of selfish exploitation, and the spiritual 
force of Christian missions and education. A review 
of China's checkered history under the play of 
these two forces compels our sympathy for this 
long-oppressed people. The Chinese are naturally 
peaceful, law-abiding, and friendly. They received 
with open-minded toleration the first missionaries 
of Buddhism from India, and of Nestorian Christian- 
ity from the Near East. 

In the thirteenth century Marco Polo was royally 
received and made a governor of one of China's 
greatest cities. But with her intercourse with 
foreign nations China's troubles commenced. The 
invading Portuguese early in the sixteenth century 
began their nefarious policy of robbery and exploita- 
tion. Visit today their "Christian" settlement at 
Macao. It is degenerate and diseased, literally rotten 
with corruption. The chief sources of its revenue are 
the forbidden opium which it has poured into 



148 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

China, the enormous income from its gambling 
dens, and the exploitation of commercialized vice. 
It is perhaps the most wicked and degraded com- 
munity in the world, but it is maintained by foreign 
treaties, backed by the powerful gunboats of so- 
called Christian powers. Had it not been for these, 
China would have arisen long ago and swept it away 
in righteous indignation. 

Early in the seventeenth century the Spaniards 
murdered some 20,000 of the Chinese in the Philip- 
pines. The Dutch taught the Chinese to mix opium 
with their tobacco about 1650 and later to smoke 
opium alone. For over a century China fought to 
keep from her shores this cursed drug which was 
poisoning her people. The French had seized Saig- 
on and Cochin China, and later on Kwangchauwan. 
Russia had taken practically half a million square 
miles of Chinese territory. At Nirchinsk on the 
Amur River, some fifty Cossacks took 5,000 peaceful 
Chinese, a hundred at a time, drove them into the 
river at the point of the bayonet, and drowned them 
like rats. In 1898 Russia seized Port Arthur and 
Dalny. In the same year Germany, making an 
excuse of the death of two of her missionaries at 
the hands of a local mob, seized Tsingtao and the 
territory of Kiaochau, and pushed into the sacred 
province of Shantung, the birthplace of Confucius 
and the Holy Land of China. She seized railway 
and mining concessions and used them to open up a 



THE CRISIS IN CHINA 149 

dangerous avenue of approach which threatened 
Peking. China had lost to the British Hong Kong 
and Weihaiwei. Then she had to surrender Burma 
and Korea. She practically had lost her control of 
Manchuria, with its priceless forests and mines, and 
was threatened in Mongolia and Tibet. For seventy 
years China has been so selfishly exploited that 
she has not been allowed to fix her own tariffs, pro- 
tect her infant industries, and develop her manufac- 
tures and mines. No wonder she began to speak of 
these outer barbarians as " foreign devils." Is it 
any wonder that the British writer Harold Gorst can 
say, "Rapine, murder, and a constant appeal to 
physical force chiefly characterize the commence- 
ment of Europe's commercial intercourse with 
China"? Money making, land-stealing, drink, en- 
forced trade in opium, humiliating treaties, crooked 
commercial dealings, bullying, browbeating, and 
robbery have marked much of the selfish policy of 
the foreign powers. A democratic world will no 
longer permit such practices, and similar attempts 
in the future will be exposed and condemned before 
the bar of humanity. 

During the last decade the Chinese people have 
dreaded Japan more than all other nations. The 
record of her twenty-one demands upon China "to 
keep the peace of the Far East," and of the dealings 
of her militarists in Manchuria, Shantung, and 
Peking, have filled the Chinese with alarm. It is 



150 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

not too much to say that the Chinese feel that they 
have suffered more at the hands of Japan than all 
other nations combined. 

America cannot stand apart in Pharisaic self- 
righteousness and point the finger of scorn at other 
nations. Her attitude toward the Chinese and other 
Orientals on the Pacific Coast has not been cal- 
culated to win their friendship. The immoral 
lives of many of her commercial representatives 
abroad have made it more difficult for the missionary 
to proclaim Christianity. The sharp practices of 
some of her business men have not compared 
favorably with the long established reliable British 
firms. We found the people in Shanghai perturbed 
over the proposed introduction of American brew- 
eries as they are driven out of the United States by 
"dry" laws. Meanwhile, the feeble and ineffective 
backing from Washington of America's ministers 
and consuls under successive administrations, both 
Republican and Democratic, has left our diplomats 
and representatives to eat their hearts out while 
China is exploited with amazing enterprise by others. 

Nevertheless, because of her democratic policy, 
America holds today an enviable reputation in 
China and a unique opportunity to help her. During 
recent years she has been proclaimed as China's 
best and often her only friend. It was Abraham 
Lincoln's representative, Anson Burlingame, who 
in 1861 fought against the spoils system that was 



THE CRISIS IN CHINA 151 

then exploiting China, and so won the confidence of 
the Chinese that he was sent as their own representa- 
tive to plead their cause in foreign courts. It was 
John Hay in 1899 who stood for the open door policy 
against the " spheres of influence" which were tend- 
ing toward the partition and exploitation of China 
by foreign powers. It was America in 1900 that 
resisted the partition of China after the Boxer up- 
rising, protested against the iniquitous indemnity 
that was forced upon her, and returned what was in 
excess of her own actual loss. It was America under 
Mr. Roosevelt that helped to exclude the Russo- 
Japanese War from China, and by the treaty of 
peace to restore Manchuria to her. It was America 
in 1907, through the Red Cross Society, that came 
to China's relief in her suffering from famine and 
flood. It was America which stood by China in her 
fight against opium, forbidding its importation to 
the Philippines, and promoting an international 
opium commission. It is to democratic America 
that China looks today. American missions have 
established more colleges, schools, hospitals, and 
institutions of relief and friendly ministry to China 
than have all other nations combined. It is America 
which holds no possession of China's territory, asks 
no control of her tariffs, no exploitation of her 
people, and stands in a position to help her today 
in her hour of desperate need. 

Thus two forces have been for several centuries 



152 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

and still are, being brought to bear on China, the 
one the force of selfish materialism, which has sought 
to exploit her, to keep her divided and helpless, and 
seize control of her economic and military resources ; 
the other the force of humanity, of liberty, of 
democracy, of organized Christian effort, seeking to 
strengthen China, to raise up a new and loyal 
leadership from amongst her own people, to help her 
work out her own salvation, and utilize her vast 
resources for the enrichment, not of foreign powers, 
but of her own toiling millions. 

The force of selfish materialism in China has been 
strengthened by the influence of her own early 
religions which have molded her life. By worshiping 
the dead past her progress was arrested and her 
life petrified. 

Ancestor worship and Animism, or nature wor- 
ship, have furnished the two sources of her native 
religions. 

Buddhism, imported from India nearly nineteen 
centuries ago, has furnished the religious life of the 
masses. 

Confucianism, the principal religion of China, 
especially of the educated classes, provided her 
ethical teaching. The ancient literature, practices, 
and moral maxims of China were codified and 
nationalized by her sage Confucius, who was prob- 
ably the greatest conservative of the human race. 
An agnostic, so far as the spiritual, the unseen, or 






THE CRISIS IN CHINA 153 

the supernatural was concerned, he ignored God but 
gave to China her great moral code, which has been 
the foundation of her lasting character. 

Taoism, the religion of the Tao, the way, or order 
of the universe, founded by the great philosopher 
Lao-tsze as a mystic system of philosophy, has 
degenerated into a corrupt pantheon of demons 
and deities, and has been unable to lift itself above 
gross idolatry, superstition, and polytheism. 

There have also been several eclectic systems by 
which modern Chinese students have sought to find 
in Western science, in Japanese agnosticism, and 
in various systems of philosophy, ancient or modern, 
some substitute for their own decaying and im- 
potent religions. But all alike have failed. 2 

One of China's leading patriots, a man who some 
day may be her national leader and democratic 
president, thus voices the need of the hour: 

"The outlook for China is exceedingly dark and 
very seriously dangerous. The whole country is 
torn by factions. As a result of this internal strife 
there is really no spot in China which you may call 
safe, where life and property are adequately pro- 
tected. What will happen to China I do not know; 
whether she will live as a nation I do not know. 

2 Dr. Faber points out that even Confucianism, which is ethi- 
cally by far the best of Chinese religions, recognizes no relation 
of the common people to a personal God, takes no adequate 
account of sin, permits polygamy and polytheism, is without a 
mediator and without prayer, deifies human ancestors in the 
place of God, and offers no comfort either in life or in death. 



154 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

We have to try to think of ourselves as at the throne 
of Christ ; that God after all rules the world and that 
the destinies of all nations are in His hands. . . . 
We need Jesus Christ today because we need more 
light. There is utter darkness, and it is largely the 
ignorance of the people that has been the cause of 
all the great trouble in China. We need Christ 
because of the richer life which He brings; and I do 
not believe that richer life can come to China unless 
we have a penitent life with which to begin. The 
root of all evils in China is the love of self. The evils 
produced by such sins as concubinage, gambling, 
seeking power and wealth are largely due to selfish- 
ness and to the idea that man himself is the most 
important. Christ comes and teaches us to think 
in terms of God, in terms of humanity. This is the 
only hope, so far as I can see. " 

The whole history of China points to her im- 
perative need of a truly Christian civilization. 
Under long centuries of foreign exploitation, however, 
China was slow to open her doors to the proclama- 
tion of the foreigner's religion and civilization. The 
combined foreign powers had struggled for twenty- 
five years, until the treaty of Peking in 1860, before 
China consented to receive foreign envoys in the 
capital, even as despised inferiors. For forty years 
more her scholars and officials resented the presence 
of the foreigner. When Robert Morrison sought to 
enter China a century ago, he was excluded by a 
chain cable at Canton. He was forbidden to preach 
in public, and only behind closed doors, in secret and 



THE CRISIS IN CHINA 155 

in danger, could he teach a few servants or in- 
quirers. He was threatened, persecuted, and ob- 
structed, beaten, driven out both from Canton and 
Macao, to labor for long years without a convert. 
After twenty-five years the little group of mis- 
sionaries could not point to ten converts. After 
fifty years of Protestant effort, there were not a 
thousand Christians in China. The writer saw Mr. 
Graves in Canton, who told him that when he 
arrived in China, sixty years ago, there were not fifty 
Christians in the Chinese Empire, outside the single 
city of Amoy. But today, within the lifetime of a 
single missionary, we have gathered a Protestant 
community of half a million, and there are over a 
million more Roman Catholic and other Christians. 
When the writer came out to Asia, just before 
1900, China was approaching the reactionary Boxer 
uprising. When Dr. Mott visited China less than 
two decades ago, he was informed that not in his 
lifetime would he ever see the Chinese literati and 
officials listening to or receiving the message of 
Christianity. Peking, the capital, was a medieval 
city, stagnant and filthy. Men were sometimes 
drowned in the rainy season in the deep pools of 
mud and water in the main streets. To contrast 
with this the changes of a single decade, take for 
illustration our last two visits to that same capital 
city, the one in the opening and the other in the 
closing year of the War. As we entered the city 



156 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

the President received us and expressed his interest 
in our meetings. The vice-president, General Li, 
gave a luncheon and permitted us to address his 
family and guests with the message of Christianity. 

A decade and a half before, the Dowager Empress 
had sent out from the Forbidden City a decree to 
kill "the foreign devils" and sweep them into the 
sea. Now the officials had opened this very For- 
bidden City for our meetings. Four thousand 
students crowded the pavilion. On the third night 
as we spoke for over an hour on "Jesus Christ, the 
Only Hope for China," several hundred of these 
young men joined Christian Bible classes to study 
the life and teachings of Christ with open mind, and 
two hundred and fifty of these men were later bap- 
tized and received into the churches. A hundred 
Chinese newspapers freely printed the Christian 
addresses throughout China. Similar meetings were 
held in the provincial capital cities throughout the 
Republic. Of course such meetings were made 
possible only by the long century of patient mis- 
sionary preparation that had preceded. They were 
the result of the united cooperation of the mis- 
sionaries and Chinese Christians, standing on one 
common platform and presenting a united front. 

Our recent visit to Peking convinces us that the 
doors of opportunity are wide open to the forces of 
moral righteousness, social service, and Christian 
civilization. On our arrival we had a meeting with 



THE CRISIS IN CHINA 157 

the returned Chinese students from America, appeal- 
ing to them for moral leadership, and later a dinner 
with some two hundred Chinese officials, including 
four members of the President's cabinet, several 
generals of the northern army, the leaders of China's 
national banks and railways, and the officials of the 
departments of Foreign Affairs, Education, Agricul- 
ture, Trade, and Commerce. We spoke to them frank- 
ly of the imminent danger in which China is stand- 
ing today, and of the one hope of national reform. 
On the third day we began a series of meetings in 
four sections of the city, working with the leading 
denominations to reach the higher classes of non- 
Christian students and officials in Peking. At 
the Presbyterian Mission the audience was composed 
largely of Manchus. During the two days following 
the meetings were attended by 1,000 men each night 
in the Congregational Church. These men sat for 
two hours each evening listening to two addresses. 
A break between the meetings enabled several 
hundred Christian workers to deal personally with 
their non-Christian friends and help to lead them 
to an intelligent decision. A third series of meetings 
was held in the Methodist Church, with 1,200 
picked men in attendance. The final series, which 
was held under the auspices of the Anglican and 
London Missions, was also fruitful. In fact there 
was not a single night that a number of non-Chris- 
tians did not make the final decision to enter the 



158 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

Christian life. Following the meetings in Peking 
three years ago an average of 600 non-Christian 
students and other men attended Christian Bible 
classes for two years, and more than 250 of these 
men were baptized and received into the churches. 
A larger number will join the churches this year, 
as the work being done by the Christians themselves 
has been incomparably stronger. The meetings 
indeed have only been an incident in what we believe 
is a great, growing indigenous movement in the 
Christian churches of China. 

In addition to the meetings held in the churches 
of the city, we had time to visit some of the col- 
leges. At Tsing Hua, the American Indemnity 
College, where more than 500 Chinese students are 
being trained to enter the universities of America, 
a number of students decided for the Christian life. 
Twenty-nine of them were later baptized in a single 
church. On another day we had the privilege of 
addressing the students of the great normal college 
where 1,500 of China's future teachers are being 
trained for educational leadership in all parts of 
this great republic. On the closing day some 200 
officials gave us a parting reception and we were 
again able to present the claims of Jesus Christ as 
the hope of China. On all sides China's ancient 
temples and altars, her city walls and palaces are 
showing signs of decrepitude and decay. The old 
order is dying, but a new life is being born in the 



THE CRISIS IN CHINA 159 

heart of this ancient nation. China's temples may 
fall, her altars may crumble, the outward form of 
her government may change, but the Chinese 
people will endure. This present hour is the darkest 
politically but the brightest religiously that this 
nation has ever known. Her very humiliation has 
broken down the age-long conservatism and ex- 
clusion of her past self-sufficiency. The hour of her 
desperate extremity is our opportunity. 

Today, with the sanction of the Government in 
Peking, the missionaries have taken up the new 
phonetic alphabet of thirty-nine letters, which will 
in time for the common people take the place of 
China's classic literature with its 45,000 characters. 
Instead of taking long years of effort for a few 
proud scholars to master these complicated hier- 
oglyphs, an educated man may learn this alphabet 
in an hour, or a child or coolie may begin to read in 
a week. The introduction of this phonetic alphabet 
may mean as much for the literature of China as did 
the translation of the Bible into English by Wyclif, 
which left Latin as the dead language of the past 
for the scholar and the antiquarian. Deliberately 
the Christian missions in China are now undertaking 
to teach her millions to read and to spread the 
mighty force of modern education through the land. 

China's moral earnestness was shown recently by 
the official action of the Government which bought 
and destroyed 1,200 chests of opium, worth more 



160 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

than its weight in silver, or more than $10,000 a 
chest. Four organizations were selected to burn 
this cursed drug, the Chamber of Commerce, the 
Young Men's Christian Association, and two others. 
During the recent United War Work Campaign 
the new spirit was manifest. Dr. Mott had cabled 
out asking if China could, in the midst of her own 
war and famine, generously contribute $100,000 for 
war work among the Allied soldiers, including the 
Chinese labor battalions. The first city to take up 
Dr. Mott's request was Tientsin. Their share of 
the $100,000 was $10,000. While the Europeans 
were meeting to consider how they could possibly 
raise this large sum of money in the community, a 
Chinese gentleman walked in and said: "We do 
not know what you Europeans propose to do, but 
we Chinese have just held a meeting and decided 
upon our share of this fund. The Provincial Parlia- 
ment has decided to vote $100,000, the Chinese 
merchants of this city will give another $100,000, and 
you Europeans can give what you wish in addition." 
They made good their pledge of over $200,000 gold 
in the first city, or twenty times their quota, when 
the nation as a whole was only asked for half that 
amount. Peking took the matter up with great 
enthusiasm, the President, the Cabinet, the Parlia- 
ment, officials, business men, and students vying 
with one another to contribute. More than 25,000 
persons in the city gave to the fund. In their 



THE CRISIS IN CHINA 161 

enthusiasm, 16,000 students marched throughout 
the city, six abreast in a line which extended for 
several miles. In a few days, instead of the $100,000 
requested, China had cabled over $1,000,000 gold 
as her contribution. 

The last day the writer spent ashore in the old 
city of Nanking seemed to visualize and make con- 
crete both the terrible need and the splendid op- 
portunity presented by China in her present crisis. 
We stood there upon the old Drum Tower, built 
about the time Columbus discovered America, 
and looked out over the ancient and massive wall 
which circles the city for more than twenty miles in 
circumference. This wall is from thirty to ninety 
feet in height and broad enough in some places 
for two automobiles to pass one another on its 
summit. There in the distance are the crumbling 
remains of the ancient examination halls that mark 
the passing of China's classic system of education. 
Just opposite is the fine modern building of the Nor- 
mal School where an athletic meet is being held, with 
5,000 modern students taking part. Beyond the 
city wall rises Purple Mountain, where Chinese 
Gordon captured the city from the Taiping rebels. 

We had come to Nanking to see two important 
men. We were met at the station by the first of 
these, a Chinese official, the Assistant Commissioner 
of Police, Mr. Wang. During the meetings last 
year the Chinese business men, officials, and students 



162 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

filled the large hall. In the front were some thirty 
of the leading officials of the province. Mr. Wang 
was the strongest character among them. On the 
last day he left the Confucian officials and came to 
the platform as the Christian chairman of the meet- 
ing. He rose and boldly stated to the whole audience 
that he had decided to become a Christian. He said 
he had hoped the Revolution and the Republic 
would save China and solve her problems, but con- 
ditions seemed only to grow worse. He himself was 
convinced that Christianity was the only hope of 
saving the country. Over a hundred non-Christians 
in this meeting decided that they would follow his 
example. Mr. Wang is now to enter the Christian 
Church. He is known today as an honest official 
making a fight for righteousness, for social justice, 
and political honesty. 

The second man we had come to see was Mr. Wen, 
the governor's advisor on foreign affairs. The record 
of this man is typical both of the need of China's 
officials and the influence of Christianity upon them. 
We saw him first eight years ago as he made the 
journey from Hangchow to Shanghai to meet Dr. 
Mott and myself in order to ask for a Young Men's 
Christian Association building for his city. Long 
trained in the moral maxims and prudential morality 
of Confucius, he firmly believed in moral character 
in theory, and in practice — for others. He was con- 
vinced that they needed the benefits of such a Christian 



THE CRISIS IN CHINA 163 

institution for the young men of the nation. As he 
boldly confessed later in public, he had himself, 
however, been taking the traditional bribes as an 
official, and was living a sensual life. 

During the opening year of the war when the 
writer visited Hangchow, 2,000 Confucian students 
crowded the great theater and 2,000 others were 
waiting outside to gain admission to hear the 
Christian address repeated each day. The military 
governor on the third day invited us to a banquet 
with the officials of the province, after which he 
asked us to address them. At the close of the ban- 
quet the writer said to Mr. Wen, " Nineteen cen- 
turies ago one told this same message of good news to 
an Ethiopian official like yourself, who said, 'What 
doth hinder me to be baptized?' Why should not 
you also become a Christian today, and try to lead 
your province out into the light of Christian civiliza- 
tion?" Mr. Wen replied, " Christianity is the true 
religion. Some day I hope to resign from public 
office, and retire to a private life of meditation and 
become a Christian. If I did so now I might lose my 
office." We replied, "China needs men who can 
rise above the corruption and impurity of public 
life and save this tottering republic. This is the 
decisive decade of China's history. If you believe 
in Christianity as the true religion, will you not 
become a Christian now while it is so needed and so 
hard?" Instantly the man replied, "I will." 



164 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

That night he stayed up until midnight explaining 
Christianity to the young governor, who dared not 
take the step himself. The next day Mr. Wen rose 
before a whole theater full of students and boldly 
told them he had decided to become a Christian. 
The next Sunday he went down and asked to be 
publicly admitted to the church and made his con- 
fession before them. At the time of his baptism he 
said, "I may lose my official position, and I may be 
put out of office. But I take my stand today for 
Jesus Christ in this church, believing that only by 
organized Christianity, only by the Church of 
Christ, can we save China. A thousand of our 
students in the theater this week have promised to 
join Bible classes and study the life of Christ. I 
wish to lead them into the Church, and I cannot ask 
them to enter if I do not do so myself." For four 
years this man has consistently lived a Christian 
life in the full glare of public scrutiny. The writer 
recently heard him stand fearlessly before an au- 
dience of students and officials and confess how as 
an official he had been addicted to bribery, lust, 
gambling, and drink, and how by the mighty dynamic 
power of the living God, through Jesus Christ as a 
personal Saviour, he had found deliverance from the 
sins which bound him and were dragging China down 
to her ruin. He boldly proclaimed the power of pure 
and vital Christianity to save the individual, trans- 
form society, and uplift the nation. He pleaded with 



THE CRISIS IN CHINA 165 

Chinese leaders to base their national life upon this 
only lasting foundation. 

Upon visiting China this year we went to see this 
man to ask him to make one more great sacrifice. 
As he sat there, clad in costly silks and furs valued 
at several hundred dollars, we asked him if he would 
leave official life, forego his large salary, his chance 
of promotion and a possible governorship, and enter 
Christian work. With splendid courage he accepted 
the call, and together we went to the governor to 
ask for his release. After an hour's conversation on 
the present crisis in China the governor consented 
to release him. Such a man as Mr. Wen epitomizes 
in his own person the transformation which alone can 
save China. He stands today as a moral miracle, con- 
verted as truly as the profligate St. Augustine or the 
wild St. Francis of Assisi. What other power can trans- 
form China's officials, educate her illiterate masses, 
and bring her to her proper place in the world? 

As we left Nanking we had the privilege of address- 
ing a meeting of Chinese Christians gathered from 
all denominations. That week the Christians and 
missionaries of that city were uniting in a federation 
or union of all the churches. They propose to have 
one common name, and one central executive com- 
mittee in control, which shall have charge of locating 
churches, missionaries, and Chinese workers wher- 
ever they are needed. This will do away with all 
denominational names and competition, rivalry, 



166 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

waste, and overlapping. The Christian Church here 
in the heart of China will present a united front to 
the world. The practical Chinese Christians have 
little enthusiasm or sympathy for our denominational 
differences propagated from the West. Yet that 
week a secretary of a mission board in the south 
of the United States told the representatives of his 
denomination that they could not consistently 
receive money from the society at home if they 
fraternized or cooperated with the Christians or 
missionaries of other denominations. Thank God 
he was an exception. May his tribe not increase. 
The same week the Chinese Christians of all de- 
nominations in Nanking were meeting to unite in 
one federation. Cannot the laymen and ministers 
of America follow the example of these Chinese 
Christians? 

Three forces can be brought to bear on China for 
her advancement. Honest business will open up 
channels of trade, commerce, and international 
intercourse. Western scientific education can sweep 
away her ignorance, and alleviate much of her 
poverty, misery, and human suffering. The third 
and greatest of these forces is the dynamic of 
Christian missions. China's new day dawns when 
Robert Morrison steps ashore amid the toil and 
poverty and abysmal ignorance of Canton. He 
founds a little Christian church which generates a 
new type of character, with a capacity for moral 



THE CRISIS IN CHINA 167 

leadership. He opens a mission press and floods 
China with the message of liberty and light. He 
starts a Christian hospital, and later Peter Parker 
and others open China at the point of the lancet, 
and break down her prejudices by practical Chris- 
tian helpfulness. Today the Rockefeller Foundation 
is turning out a body of skilful surgeons and doctors 
who will revolutionize China's archaic medical 
malpractice. Morrison opened a school which be- 
came in time a college, and today missionary in- 
stitutions are training the coming leaders, officials, 
railway builders, enterprising business men, lawyers, 
doctors, ministers, and social service experts, who 
will yet make China one of the great Christian 
nations of the world. 

At the united call of the Christian churches, as 
the agent and instrument of them all, the Young 
Men's Christian Association has entered with its 
multiplied points of contact, its friendly avenues of 
approach, and its practical contribution to the 
national life of China. The triangle is a symbol 
of China's threefold need. 

First, there is the pressing, obvious physical need 
of the nation. In several of the capital cities a 
modern Association building has been erected with 
a gymnasium and athletic field. An Anti-Tuberculo- 
sis League soon follows, and lectures on sanitation, 
hygiene, and health, so sorely needed in this nation, 
for the officials, students, and leaders of China. 



168 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

The second side of the triangle stands for China's 
intellectual need. Every Association building is 
built to accommodate a day and night school. 
From several hundred to a thousand students crowd 
in, eager for modern education. The library and 
reading room and a continual series of modern 
lectures are factors in the new civilization. By its 
science lectures the Young Men's Christian Associa- 
tion seeks to teach Chinese leaders to develop their 
vast resources unselfishly and efficiently for the en- 
richment of their own toiling masses. 

At the top of the triangle there is the moral and 
spiritual side of the work. The young manhood of 
the nation is seeking to make the transition from 
the medieval to the modern world. The sanctions 
of Confucianism and the superstitions of the past 
are breaking down. Y r oung men are following the 
example of Japan, of France after the French Rev- 
olution, and of the materialistic West, and are 
plunging into license, immorality, and agnosticism. 
China now desperately needs new foundations for 
her individual, social, and national fife. All the 
systems of the past have failed her. She has steadily 
grown weaker. The hope of China lies in raising up 
an educated, moral, Christian leadership to develop 
her resources, educate her illiterate millions, rule 
her toiling masses, and make them free citizens in 
Everybody's World. Shall we help China in this 
crisis or leave her to her fate? 



VII 
THE AWAKENING OF INDIA 

We are writing on the sultry plains of South 
India. It is August in the tropics, near the equator. 
A long journey of six months in the throbbing heat 
of this land convinces us that we are facing a new 
India. In fact we have found India one of the 
storm centers of the new world emerging out of the 
W'ar. Here the sharp conflict between East and 
West, ancient and modern, autocracy and democ- 
racy, is at its height. In India we have the most 
typically Oriental nation caught in the conflict 
between the new ideals and the old, and seeth- 
ing with new currents of thought and life. India, 
China, and Russia are the three largest nations in 
the throes of this upheaval. The recent movement 
in Russia has been revolutionary and destructive; 
in India the movement has been for the most part 
evolutionary and constructive under the strong hand 
of British rule. 

India! Land of mystery and paradox, she still 
casts over us her ancient spell. This land with its 
pearl fisheries, the diamond mines of Golconda, 
"the wealth of Ind," the desire of the nations, the 
prize of conquest, the goal of explorers, the quest 
of Columbus when he was deflected by the discovery 
of America, the land of a hundred invasions and a 

169 



170 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

thousand wars, the land of philosophy, art, and 
religion, grips the heart and challenges the imagina- 
tion. India! The word is filled with a content more 
vast and various than that of any other nation. 
We have just come down across this great sub- 
continent of Southern Asia in a journey of two thou- 
sand miles from the Himalayas to Cape Comorin. 
We stood there at that highest barrier on earth, the 
titanic Himalayas, ever covered with ten thousand 
feet of eternal snow, on the crest of their rocky 
summits, and looked out toward one great valley 
in which could be placed the whole of Switzerland, 
whose loftiest peaks would be lost to view fifteen 
thousand feet below the Himalayan ridge. 

Leaving the mighty snow barrier that separates 
India from the rest of Asia, we crossed the vast 
level plain of the North, watered by two of the 
world's greatest rivers, and peopled by teeming 
villages and populous cities — Lahore, Delhi, Luck- 
now, Allahabad, Benares; and Agra with its price- 
less Taj Mahal, the most beautiful building in the 
world, a mountain of marble carved into lace, telling 
of the glory of the great Mughals, and of the loyalty 
and devotion of one of the greatest of them to his 
wife. We have passed from the wide plains of the 
North, through the tropical verdure of the South, 
among the green rice fields, under the palms and 
pepper vines of fields that he level to the foot of the 
blue hills, with their dense forests and elephant and 



THE AWAKENING OF INDIA 171 

tiger jungles. We have drifted down the back- 
waters of dreamy Travancore, overarched with 
fronded palms, under the hills rich with plantations 
of rubber, cocoa, tea and coffee, spices, and various 
tropical fruits. 

As we have again journeyed through this great 
land we have been impressed by the fact that India 
is colossal and continental. We have passed through 
most of her fourteen provinces, and many of her 
675 native states. In China prevailingly we found 
the simple, solid fact of Confucianism, but in India 
we have been dealing with men representing eight 
of the world's great religions and many minor 
faiths: Hindus, Muhammadans, Buddhists, Sikhs, 
Jains, Parsees, Jews, Animists, and Christians. We 
have passed through populations separated in speech 
by 147 different languages. We have been staggered 
by the problem of 2,000 different castes, prison cells 
which have barred progress, forbidding men to 
intermarry or to dine with men of other castes, and 
placing sixty million " Untouchables " beyond the 
pale of humanity. Yet India today, despite all these 
handicaps and divisions, through the difficult me- 
dium of a foreign tongue, under her own leadership 
is being born a new nation with a new national 
consciousness. Although she is divided and sub- 
divided into sharper antagonisms of race, rank, 
and religion, of caste, creed, and color, than any 
other nation in the world, yet she is being forged 



172 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

into one burning unit of national aspiration so far 
as her leaders are concerned. Educated leaders 
today are joining hands in a growing demand for 
home rule, with the cry, " India for the Indians." 
Since the War the tide of democracy has been sweep- 
ing around the world. It has been affecting the 
misguided Bolshevism of Russia, the nationalism of 
Ireland, of Egypt, Korea, the Philippines, China, 
and many other lands. This tide of democracy is 
sweeping over the continent of India today. 

The sources of this new movement are found in a 
strange combination of the ancient and modern, 
the Oriental and Occidental, in the action and 
reaction of two civilizations. On the one hand the 
War has awakened a yet deeper national pride in 
her own ancient heritage, while on the other, it has 
led her to claim her full share in the liberty, equality, 
and fraternity of modern democracy. The union 
of these two elements furnishes the unique interest 
of modern India. 

The nation has been stabbed wide awake by the 
War. Japan's victory over Russia awoke educated 
India; the World War wakened even rural India. 
A million of her sons were drawn from the villages, 
a million men were writing letters home with their 
new ideas gained in France, Egypt, Mesopotamia, 
and Africa; a million, less the fallen, returned cherish- 
ing the glories of the War and awakened hopes of a 
new India! A million men are a force to reckon with. 



THE AWAKENING OF INDIA 173 

They could almost quicken the three-quarters of a 
million villages of rural India. 

A new glory is burning in India's heart, a new 
pride in her soldiers who fought the world's most 
formidable army. An old memory is rekindled of 
her ancient past, in the golden age of her own heroes, 
a pride of race that gathers in its new-born patriot- 
ism the thought of three thousand years of high 
civilization, from the Aryan conquerors down the 
long line of rulers and philosophers, from the great 
Asoka and Akbar to her modern heroes. She, like 
other nations, has not been backward in giving full 
credit to her own sons and in believing that they 
won the War. There are signs on every hand, as we 
travel through this land today, of a vast awakening 
of this conservative fifth of the human race, per- 
meating from the leaders to the masses, from the 
cities to the towns and villages — an awakening 
political, economic, social, and religious, destined to 
regenerate India as a united nation. 

Politically, India is making the eternal demands 
of democracy in the press, on the platform, in 
political conventions and conferences, in private 
conversations, in railway carriages and from the 
house tops. She is asking for liberty, equality, and 
fraternity. She is asking for self government, and 
many want it at once. Economically the War has 
shown the British and Indians alike her dependence, 
isolation, and need of an industrial and commercial 



174 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

reorganization. The program proposed by the In- 
dustrial Commission will mean an industrial awaken- 
ing for India. Socially, the leaven of discontent, of 
reform, and of social revolution is working. The 
political movement is affecting the social fabric and 
wide-sweeping changes have begun. Religiously, the 
dynamic ideas of monotheism, of the divine Father- 
hood, of a new united human brotherhood, of the 
service of love leading to a cross of self-sacrifice 
and renunciation, and of the principles of the Sermon 
on the Mount are working powerfully in all religions 
and in all communities, with or without the Chris- 
tian name, and vitally affecting and changing life. 
India is rising to take her rightful place in Every- 
body's World. 

The full glare of a new day of national conscious- 
ness seems to have broken suddenly upon sleeping 
India, but that day was preceded by long night and 
lingering dawn. Four dates mark the sources of 
India's new national life: 1834, 1858, 1905, 1917. 
In 1834 Lord Macaulay's Educational Minute gave 
India Western education; in 1858, Queen Victoria's 
Proclamation gave the promise of religious freedom 
to all alike and an increasing share in the govern- 
ment for the Indian people; in 1905, Japan's victory 
over Russia thrilled the entire Orient with new 
national hopes; and on August 20, 1917, came the 
pronouncement, called forth in part by the War and 
the unrest in India, of the Government's new policy 



THE AWAKENING OF INDIA 175 

of reform and responsible government by the people 
of India. 

Each of these dates marked the opening of a new 
era. In 1834, Lord Macaulay in his famous Educa- 
tional Minute decreed that India, through the 
medium of English education, should receive the 
science and civilization of the West. His words 
were prophetic of a new spirit of responsibility and 
unselfish service for India's future welfare. 1 

In 1858, following the Mutiny, when India was 
transferred from the East India Company to the 
Crown, the ideal purpose of British rule was re- 
asserted in the Queen's Proclamation, which ac- 
knowledges that the government is a trust for the 
welfare of the people. 2 

1 "Are we to keep the people of India ignorant in order that we 
may keep them submissive? Or do we think that we can give 
them knowledge without awakening ambition? ... I have 
no fears. The path of duty is plain before us: . . . It may be 
that the public mind of India may expand under our system till 
it has outgrown that system; that by good government we may 
educate our subjects into a capacity for better government; 
that, having become instructed in European knowledge, they 
may, in some future age, demand European institutions. . . . 
Whenever it comes it will be the 'proudest day in English history. 
. . . The sceptre may pass away from us . . . But there 
are triumphs which are followed by no reverse. There is an 
empire exempt from all natural causes of decay. Those triumphs 
are the pacific triumphs of reason over barbarism; that empire 
is the imperishable empire of our arts and our morals, our 
literature and our laws." 

2 "We hold ourselves bound to the natives of Indian territories 
by the same obligations of duty which bind us to all other sub- 
jects; and these obligations by the blessings of Almighty God 



176 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

In 1905 Japan had conquered Russia, one of the 
smaller Asiatic nations had crushed the Colossus of 
Europe, the dread of the supposedly invincible 
West. A powerful Asiatic nation had been born in a 
day. With the swiftness and shock of an electric 
current the thought flashed through the mind in the 
Orient, "Why should not we do what Japan has 
done?" This was the spark that fired the imagina- 
tion of India and set Asia ablaze. China at once 
began the reforms that led to a republic, the Shah 
of Persia called a national council, even the Amir of 
Afghanistan summoned a " consultative assembly." 
Japan had awakened the self-respect of all Eastern 
peoples. 

The positive stimulus to India of Japan's victory 
was met by the negative and repressive force of 
Lord Curzon's regime. His crucial act was the 
partition of Bengal, which the Indians claimed was 
to break the back of the opposition of that province 
to the Government. This "set Bengal in a blaze" 
and bound India more closely together in national 
consciousness. The country was soon swept by 



we shall faithfully and conscientiously fulfill. Firmly relying 
ourselves on the truth of Christianity and acknowledging with 
gratitude the solace of religion, we disclaim alike the right and 
the desire to impose our convictions on any of our subjects. 
. . . It is further our will that, so far as may be, our subjects of 
whatever race or creed be freely and impartially admitted to 
offices in our service, the duties of which they may be qualified 
by their education, ability, and integrity to discharge." 



THE AWAKENING OF INDIA 177 

violent agitation followed by attempts at assassina- 
tion. The cry of "swaraj" or "home rule," was 
raised, and that of "swadeshi" or "home industries" 
was followed by a boycott of British goods. Fifteen 
thousand Chinese students and a smaller but equally 
enthusiastic band of Indians had poured into Japan 
to learn her secret of success. Feverish attempts were 
made to start Indian manufactures on modern lines, 
but many of them ended in failure through want of 
experience. 

To meet this rising tide of sedition Lord Curzon's 
successor, Lord Minto, with Lord Morley, Secretary 
of State for India, framed the Morley-Minto re- 
forms of 1908. The purpose of the reforms was not 
to bring about self-government, but to add Indian 
advisors, to enlarge the legislative councils, and to 
extend their functions so as to "effectively associate 
the people of India with the government in every- 
day administration." The promise of these reforms 
for a time aroused high hopes in the Indian leaders, 
but these hopes were dashed to the ground and gave 
place to sullen disappointment when it was seen how 
the plan worked in practice. The enlarged councils, 
which it was hoped might become miniature parlia- 
ments, became mere academic bodies for debate and 
voiced the increasing dissatisfaction of the people. 
They aroused aspirations which they could not 
satisfy, they gave opportunity only for unlimited 
criticism, offering no responsibility and little train- 



178 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

ing in self-government. Faced by a rising tide of 
irresponsible criticism, the Government became 
timid, and the people became restless and dis- 
satisfied. India was drifting toward a precipice. 3 

This feeling of discontent culminated during the 
War. India had raised over a million men. She 
felt that her princes had given liberally and her 
soldiers had fought gallantly. The papers were 
filled with the reports of the exploits of her brave 
soldiers at the front, who were holding their own 
against the most highly trained soldiers of Europe, 
driving the Turks from Mesopotamia and 
the Germans from East Africa, holding Egypt, and 
guarding the Suez Canal. Probably each nation 
exaggerated its own contribution. But certainly the 
War intensified India's sense of nationhood. If 
you asked a soldier in France who he was, he no 
longer was the provincial Punjabi, or Maratha. "I 



3 Educated Indians began to ask: "Why is not India a self- 
governing member of the British Empire on an equality with 
the Dominions? Why is she not allowed fiscal autonomy and a 
protective tariff to develop her backward industries instead of 
being regarded as a profitable market for British goods? Why 
are not Indians allowed to carry arms? Why are they excluded 
from the commissioned ranks of the army? What is the cause of 
the discrimination of the Dominions against Indians in their 
immigration rules? Why are nearly all the higher and lucrative 
positions in government held by Europeans? Why have we not 
had compulsory primary education, when after sixty years of 
educational effort only six per cent of the population is literate, 
and less than four per cent of the total population is under 
instruction?" 



THE AWAKENING OF INDIA 179 

am an Indian," was his proud response, and 
the new national feeling was reechoed throughout 
India. 

Through the War thousands took a new interest 
in public affairs. The returning Sepoys, the plat- 
form orators, the widening influence of the press, 
and the news that finally reached and aroused the 
villagers around the evening fires, began to awaken 
even the masses. The leaders believed that surely 
India's rightful place in the Empire would be hers 
after the War. The speeches of President Wilson 
were eagerly devoured as he championed the cause 
of backward nations and upheld the principle of 
self-determination. On September 1, 1916, a Home 
Rule League was formed in Madras, and Mrs. Besant 
and other political leaders made India ring from 
end to end with the demand for self-government. 
Mrs. Besant was arrested and interned, but upon 
her release she was eagerly received by the people. 
Soon afterwards the Indian National Congress and 
the Muslim League drew up a joint proposal aiming 
at self-government, and the long divided Hindu and 
Muhammadan communities joined hands in the 
common cause of home rule. 

The government of the vast, uneducated, heteroge- 
neous population of India is, at best, one of the most 
difficult tasks on earth. The War precipitated for 
Great Britain one of the greatest problems ever 
faced in the government of one country by another. 



180 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

The educated leaders who were demanding home 
rule represented only five per cent of the population, 
knowledge of English was confined to two million, 
or not one in a hundred of that population, only 
six per cent could meet the test of literacy, while 
ninety per cent of the people were living in the 
villages, occupied for the most part with the fierce 
struggle for subsistence, and caring nothing for 
politics or government. Yet the educated leaders 
were now beginning successfully to arouse the masses, 
especially in the cities. Strikes and boycotts proved 
possible of manipulation. The end of the War had 
not brought the immediate advance toward home 
rule for which India had fondly hoped, and this 
gave opportunity for nationalist leaders to fan 
popular discontent into a flame. 

As we traveled from Ceylon to the North we found 
that political conferences were being called by the 
people in all parts of the country. Caste organiza- 
tions everywhere were assembling for political pur- 
poses. The Muslims also were restless. They had 
resented Italy's war on Turkey; the Balkan wars 
had seemed to them to represent the Cross against 
the Crescent; and then the final fall of Turkey and 
Egypt as the last stronghold of Islam, the loss of 
Mesopotamia and Palestine and the threatening of 
their holy places were used by agitators to rouse 
them to a Jihad or Holy War. But India as a whole 
stood loyal throughout the struggle, and none more 



THE AWAKENING OF INDIA 181 

so than those fighting against their fellow-Muslims 
in Mesopotamia and Palestine. 

In the south the Home Rule League was led by the 
Brahmins, ever alert, subtle, and able. But home rule 
meant Brahmin rule and the long-suffering lower 
castes much preferred a foreign but just British 
control to their ancient tyranny. Accordingly the 
Non-Bralimin League was formed, attempting to 
unite all the other castes in the common cause of 
democracy. They asked full representation under 
British control rather than caste rule. The Pan- 
chamas, or outcastes, also began to assemble and to 
assert their rights. High caste or low caste, farmers 
came on foot and by train to attend these political 
conferences and we found a new spirit abroad even 
in the country districts. On the day we left the 
south of India a great caste conference of the Nadars 
was in progress with its elephant processions, bands, 
speeches, and convention. This caste, long shut out 
from the temples of Hinduism, has been forging 
forward in education, in wealth, and in social and 
religious reform, by its indomitable energy and 
latent ability. It has furnished some of the greatest 
Christian leaders and will play a part in the re- 
sponsible government of the new India. 

A social awakening has followed the political 
awakening. Desiring self-government, India now 
realizes how hopelessly she is divided. She sees her 
ranks separated by caste and conflicting religious 



182 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

creeds. She realizes as never before the hard lot of 
the long oppressed outcastes, crushed by the laws 
of her own sacred books. She sees the evils of child 
marriage in its weakening of the race, and the sad 
fate of her child widows. She is forced to face the 
need of uplifting her womanhood, educating and 
safeguarding her childhood, and instituting a hun- 
dred reforms that Christian missions have long 
advocated. The whole caste system of India is being 
gradually affected, as the walls of her decaying tem- 
ples are cracked and broken by the trees that sprout 
and grow from the tiny seeds dropped into the 
crevices. Democracy at last is permeating even 
caste-ridden India. 

Pariahs and outcastes are in many parts for the 
first time being admitted to public meetings, to the 
use of public wells, and to political office. Their 
political support is now sought by various parties. 
The practice of interdining is spreading throughout 
the cities and towns. While we were in Madura the 
high caste leaders of the Non-Brahmin movement 
gave a dinner to a score of us foreigners, disregarding 
the rules of their caste. 

The Madras, Travancore, and Mysore govern- 
ments have now opened the public schools to all 
outcastes. For the first time the depressed classes 
are represented as equals in the Legislative Councils. 
Women, who have taken a leading part in war work, 
are now demanding woman suffrage, and have a 



THE AWAKENING OF INDIA 183 

place on the programme in political meetings. 
Mrs. Sarojini Naidu, the poetess, with other Indian 
ladies has come forward as a prominent and powerful 
political agitator. 

Strikes are spreading rapidly. Beginning in the 
unorganized uprising of the workers in Bombay, 
labor unions are being formed, and the movement 
has extended to all parts of India. This can only 
end in improving the miserable and inhuman condi- 
tions under which labor in India is often forced to 
toil. The hundreds per cent profits of the owners of 
some cotton and jute mills during the War have stood 
out in glaring contrast to the pathetic fight for 
subsistence of their neglected employes, and even 
the conscience of India has been aroused. 

All the elements of the economic strain and 
political tension after the War were used by a small 
party of hidden agitators to arouse a deeper unrest. 
To meet this situation Judge Rowlatt was sent from 
England to investigate the laws dealing with sedi- 
tion. Upon his recommendation the Government 
introduced two bills giving to the executive drastic 
powers in seditious provinces. Probably the Govern- 
ment knew more reasons for such legislation than it 
was able to make public. But these Rowlatt Bills 
produced an extraordinary effect. Instead of the 
immediate reward for their loyalty in the War which 
the people had eagerly expected, they were met by 
what seemed to them autocratic, repressive legisla- 



184 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

tion. In an indignant press, on a thousand platforms, 
India flamed out again as she had over the partition 
of Bengal. Nationalists and moderates, Hindus, 
Muhammadans, and Christians alike were united 
against these Rowlatt Bills. In the face of the solid 
protest of the Indian members in the Viceroy's 
Legislative Council the first Bill was hurriedly 
passed. Some months have elapsed and no occasion 
has arisen for the exercise of the acts. They were 
apparently a tactical blunder. 

As one result of the passage of these acts, uprisings 
took place in various parts of the North. As we 
have traveled about India we have not known what 
a day might bring forth and some members of our 
party were at times in personal danger. Under the 
influence of the national leader, Mr. Gandhi, with 
his movement of passive resistance against the 
Rowlatt Bills, the shopkeepers in Delhi were per- 
suaded to close their shops, and traffic was forcibly 
interrupted. When the soldiers tried to enforce 
order, riots ensued and many persons were killed. 
The uprising in Delhi, the ancient capital of India, 
kindled the other cities. In Lahore, where we had 
just been holding meetings, colleges were closed, 
students went on strike and marched in procession 
through the streets. Meetings of protest were 
broken up by the police. On the evening of the 
arrest of Mr. Gandhi a menacing mob was formed 
and rushed shouting towards the European section 



THE AWAKENING OF INDIA 185 

of the city. When the police ordered them to halt 
they still surged on, and upon passing the forbidden 
line they were stopped by rifle fire. Ten students 
were killed and many others were wounded. In 
protest against this use of force, the Hindus and 
Muhammadans met together in the great mosque. 
The people assumed a threatening attitude, shops 
were closed, and martial law was proclaimed by 
Government. 

In Amritsar mobs looted and burnt the foreign 
banks, and five Europeans were killed and others 
injured. The Indian Sepoys fired upon the mob, 
and it is reported that over a thousand people were 
killed. Railway trains were attacked or wrecked, 
telegraph fines were cut, travelers were assaulted, 
and North India was aflame with excitement. 
British and Indian troops were used to restore order. 
Indians in other parts of the country bitterly pro- 
tested against this use of force. Rabindranath 
Tagore, the poet, and one or two others renounced 
their English titles. Order has now been restored 
but it has left the people of the cities sullen, bitter, 
and distrustful of the Government. They are pes- 
simistic after the reaction following the War. 

An impartial spectator cannot help seeing the 
tragedy of the situation. On the one hand we can- 
not fail to sympathize with the natural, the in- 
evitable aspirations for freedom and self-govern- 
ment of such a great people. On the other hand, 



186 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

one cannot be blind to India's present unprepared- 
ness for such government. One must recognize 
sympathetically both the aspirations of India and 
the tremendous difficulties of the British Govern- 
ment. With all its faults, as the mind travels over 
history one cannot recall a single instance of the 
government of one people by another where the 
task undertaken was so titanic or where it was more 
nobly fulfilled. We do not except the Philippines 
nor any other colony or country. 

Perhaps we can better understand this political 
movement if we pause to glance at the leader who 
embodies it and sums it up, the reformer and pa- 
triot, Mr. Mohandas Gandhi. He will enable us to 
understand something of the aspirations of the 
Indian nationalists and also of the difficulties of 
the British rulers in the conflict that arises between 
the East and the West. 

Mr. Gandhi was born in a small native state of 
western India in which his forefathers had long 
been prime ministers. As a student of the Inner 
Temple in London he remained true to the vow he 
had made to his mother to abstain from wine, from 
flesh, and from sexual immorality. He studied both 
the Hindu Gita and the Christian Gospel, and 
accepted for himself the principle of self-renuncia- 
tion and passive resistance. After returning to 
India to practice law, he proceeded to South Africa 
in connection with a case. Finding 150,000 of his 



THE AWAKENING OF INDIA 187 

Indian fellow-subjects there unjustly persecuted and 
threatened with the Asiatic Exclusion Act, he 
identified himself with the poor and despised Indian 
community, and tried to prevent their disfranchise- 
ment and banishment. For them he offered his life 
and his money though he was mobbed and half 
killed. 

Here he began the practice of passive resistance 
that was successfully sustained for the next eight 
years. He called his principle Satyagraha, "Truth- 
Force" or soul-force, as opposed to brute-force, 
based on the overcoming of evil by good. Time and 
again Mr. Gandhi was arrested and sent to jail, 
only asking that he might have the maximum 
sentence which was inflicted upon his people. In 
prison he read Tolstoy, whom he closely resembles, 
Ruskin, Emerson, the Bhagavad Gita, and the Bible. 

The Indians in South Africa were willing to suffer 
and cheerfully went to jail by hundreds. Mr. 
Gandhi roused all India to sympathetic and indig- 
nant protest against the ill treatment of their fellow 
countrymen by another colony of the Empire. 
Lord Hardinge's famous speech in Madras, when as 
Viceroy he placed himself at the head of Indian 
public opinion, and the intervention of the British 
Government, helped at last to win the long fight and 
to remove, at least for the time, the color bar of 
race discrimination. Mr. Gandhi raised an Indian 
Stretcher-Bearer Corps to serve in South Africa 



188 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

during the native rebellion, and at the outbreak of 
the Great War organized an Indian Volunteer 
Ambulance Corps. He threw himself loyally into 
recruiting for the Indian army and the Empire. 

Mr. Gandhi has long lived a life of voluntary 
poverty. He eats but one meal a day, and that only 
of fruits and vegetables. His years of strain and 
frequent long fasts have aged him and somewhat 
broken his health. Upon returning to India he 
formed his Satyagraha Society to train men from 
childhood for public service by austerity of life and 
self-denial. 4 

Mr. Gandhi exemplifies India's ideal of detach- 
ment, the complete separation of the spiritual life 
from the material world. He is one with the Indian 
rishis and sadhus of thirty centuries who have left 
the world to contemplate God and the soul in forests 
and deserts. But Mr. Gandhi does not leave the 
world. He lives in it and rouses all India to passive 
resistance at his word. 

In his own "Confession of Faith" he utterly 
repudiates modern civilization and all material com- 

4 Each member of the Society takes the following vows : (1) The 
vow of truth; (2) of overcoming evil by good; (3) of celibacy and 
absolute abstinence from the life of the flesh; (4) of simple food; 
(5) of self-denial and non-possession of anything they do not 
absolutely need, that all may have enough; (6) of patriotism 
and the development of Indian industries; (7) of fearlessness 
and readiness to suffer; (8) of the use of Indian vernaculars; 
(9) of the dignity of labor; (10) of political, economic, and social 
reform, rooted in the religious spirit. 



THE AWAKENING OF INDIA 189 

forts. He says that cities are plague spots, medical 
science and hospitals are of the devil, railways and 
telegraphs, lawyers and doctors, modern inventions 
and machine-made clothing must go, and India must 
hold to the primitive plough and her ancient simple 
life. 

Mr. Gandhi is literally worshiped today wherever 
he goes in India. Thousands will prostrate them- 
selves in the dust at his feet. He is a man fearless, 
selfless, patriotic. A word from him and his followers 
take the vow of Satyagraha, or passive resistance, 
to refuse to obey whatever laws he shall proscribe. 
A word from him misunderstood, and Delhi is in 
riot and North India aflame. The Government 
politely arrests him for a day and India is ready to 
rise if he bids it ; yet he deprecates any such violence 
or use of force. 

Professor Gilbert Murray, of Oxford, writing of 
Mr. Gandhi speaks of "this battle of a soul against 
a government,' , and says, "He is a dangerous and 
uncomfortable enemy because his body, which you 
can always conquer, gives you so little purchase 
upon his soul." And Gandhi is typical of India 
which worships him. India's new nationalism is 
rooted in religion, and finds in it the mainspring of 
conduct. 

The political demands of the National Congress, 
the Muslim League, and the other Indian leaders 
were finally answered in the House of Commons by 



190 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

the epoch-making pronouncement of August 20, 
1917. "The policy of His Majesty's Government 
.... is that of the increasing association of Indians 
in every branch of the administration and the 
gradual development of the self-governing institu- 
tions with a view to the progressive realization of 
responsible government in India, as an integral part 
of the British Empire. . . . This policy can only 
be achieved by successive stages. Ample opportu- 
nity will be afforded for public discussion of the 
proposals which will be submitted in due course to 
Parliament." 5 This was one of the most momentous 
utterances ever made in India's history. It marked 
the end of a century of British rule of the people, 
and the beginning of a new era of rule by the people. 
It was the first clear official recognition by the 
British Government that India's goal was responsible 
government by the people themselves. 

To carry out this policy, Mr. Montagu, the Secre- 
tary of State, came to India, consulted with Indian 
and foreign leaders throughout the country, and 
finally drew up the celebrated Montagu-Chelmsford 
Reform Scheme. This scheme promises to India 
three things based upon three principles. The three 
things are "The progressive realization of responsible 
government" — local, provincial, and national. It 
proposes (1) to give complete local self-government in 
villages, municipalities, and districts, which will 
6 For full text of the pronouncement see Appendix IV. 



THE AWAKENING OF INDIA 191 

train up intelligent electorates, beginning with about 
five million voters; (2) to give partial self-govern- 
ment in the provinces, to train the people of India 
as the original thirteen colonies of America were 
prepared for national self-government; and (3) to 
retain British control for the present in the national 
government, though providing for larger Indian 
representation. The crucial advance is in the prov- 
inces, some of them having a population of four and 
five times that of New York State or Pennsylvania. 
The three principles upon which these reforms 
are based are: (1) The principle of Indian respons- 
ibility. Britain is to give over at once certain "trans- 
ferred" subjects to the control of Indian ministers 
responsible to their constituencies which elect them. 
These men are free to make their own mistakes and 
must suffer for them. They lose office when they 
fail to command the support of the majority in the 
provincial assembly. (2) The principle of temporary 
British control over law and order. Until India is 
ready for full self-government, certain subjects are to 
be "reserved" under British control, such as the 
maintenance of law and order, the police, jails, 
land revenue, and the welfare of the masses. 6 
(3) The principle of the gradual increase of respons- 



6 The subjects to be transferred to Indian control include 
probably education, agriculture, forests, fisheries, provincial 
taxation, local self-government, roads, public buildings, sanita- 
tion and medicine, and the development of arts and industries. 



192 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

ibility until India shall be a self-governing member of 
the British Empire with its own constitution. This 
divided responsibility between the subjects " trans- 
ferred" to Indians and those "reserved" for British 
control is described as diarchy. It has been violently 
attacked on the one hand by Indian extremists who 
clamor for immediate and complete home rule, and 
on the other hand by many British officials, who 
make up the conservative bureaucracy of India, and 
who say that India is incapable of responsible 
government. The truth probably lies between the 
two. It is difficult to see how practical statesman- 
ship could have devised a plan that could more 
surely and safely have made possible the great 
transition from paternal government to popular 
government by India herself. The present plan is 
based on the principle that only the exercise of 
responsibility calls forth a capacity for it, and that 
"good government is no substitute for self-govern- 
ment." Education and political responsibility are 
to be the two means of training the new India. 



VIII 
THE AWAKENING OF INDIA 

(CONTINUED) 

In addition to the political and social awakenings 
in India, there is at present a religious awakening 
which is the more remarkable if we consider it 
against the background of India's great religious 
past. India and China alone can trace back an un- 
broken civilization with a highly developed litera- 
ture, philosophy, and religion for over thirty cen- 
turies. The fair Aryans who entered India from the 
North were closely related to the Anglo-Saxons in 
both race and language. Caste, in its origin, was a 
natural, self-protective effort to preserve the color 
line and the purity of their blood from any inter- 
mingling with that of the dark aborigines. The 
Indian Aryans were civilized and were composing 
the great Vedic hymns to their gods before Homer 
wrote the " Iliad," and while our own ancestors were 
scarcely emerging from barbarism. Gautama 
Buddha, India's greatest religious genius, was send- 
ing out his yellow-robed monks with the teaching of 
his law before Greece had awakened to her full 
splendor. The great Asoka (B.C. 272-231) en- 
hanced India's glory by his tolerant and enlightened 
reign, and transformed Buddhism into a world 
religion. 

193 



194 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

After Asoka, for fifteen centuries India was rav- 
aged by one long almost unbroken stream of fierce 
invaders — the Greeks, Scythians, Bactrians, Mon- 
gols, Huns, Arabs, Afghans, Turks, and the border 
tribes invaded the land in turn. One conqueror 
alone ravaged the north seventeen times. But India 
was intent upon her own life, her philosophy, her 
literature, and her religion. "She let the legions 
thunder past, and plunged in thought again." For 
India is always religious. To her, life is spiritual, 
and everything is divine. The material is unreal, 
God is the one great reality. "India is the spiritual 
mother of half mankind." She has been the great 
philosopher nation. But to her the one aim of 
philosophy and of life itself has been to find God. 
This is often expressed in boundless devotion, 
measureless asceticism, utter self-renunciation; in 
pilgrimages, fastings, self-torture, vigils, and years 
of silent meditation in the solitude of the forest or 
of the burning plains. All these tell the story of the 
most devoted and tragic search for God ever made 
by any nation in the world. 

As India's ancient conservatism and autocratic 
caste divisions sprang from her religion, so one of 
the main sources of the new democracy and progress 
is found in the Christian religion brought from the 
West. Carey had landed in India in 1793. He 
brought a dynamic message which was to create a 
new personal, social, and political fife. He founded 



THE AWAKENING OF INDIA 195 

the first university college in India, the first educa- 
tional institutions for women, the first English 
magazine, the first vernacular newspaper, the first 
agricultural and horticultural society in Bengal. 
He published the first Sanskrit grammar and dic- 
tionary in English, supervised the translation and 
publication of the Scriptures in some forty languages, 
and founded eighteen mission stations as radiating 
centers of the new life. In 1830 Alexander Duff, the 
founder of the English educational system, landed, 
and finally drew his converts from twenty-six of the 
leading families of Calcutta, furnishing the leader- 
ship for the Christian civilization that was to spread 
across India. The work of Carey and Duff cul- 
minated in Macaulay's Educational Minute and the 
movement for social reform. Their work stimulated 
the first Indian reformer, Raja Ram Mohun Roy, 
and led to the foundation of the Brahmo Samaj and 
other progressive institutions. 

Religion, whether true or false, molds life, makes 
character, shapes the individual, society, and govern- 
ment. It is the great architectonic force in human 
life. And religion is determined by its conception of 
four ideas — God, man, duty, destiny. Hinduism, 
while it has contained so much that was tragically 
noble and good, has never been able to throw off the 
ignoble and evil. In the main it has thought of God 
in terms of pantheism or polytheism; man's per- 
sonality seems a temporary illusion; it has no sure 



196 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

foundation for a high morality in ethical monotheism 
and it has lost any clear view of destiny in the mists 
of endless transmigration and rebirth in this world, 
and of impersonal absorption of the individual in 
the world to come. India is left today, in spite of 
all her noble and undeveloped possibilities, as the 
country in all Asia most filled with poverty, illiter- 
acy, superstition, and idolatry. The product of 
Hinduism is India. 

Carey and Duff and the four thousand missionaries 
in India today have brought to this land four 
dynamic concepts: One God as a loving, personal 
Father; one humanity of universal brotherhood, 
where every individual man is of infinite worth; one 
Saviour, with a new standard of righteousness ex- 
pressed in self-sacrificing service; and a new hope of 
social redemption, of personal immortality and 
eternal life. These four principles have been lived 
out in the life of Christian homes and communities; 
they have been inculcated in the character of future 
leaders through thirty-eight well equipped Christian 
colleges, and 13,000 mission schools with more than 
500,000 pupils. They have been exemplified in the 
work of hundreds of mission hospitals, printing 
presses, and philanthropic institutions. They have 
been seen in the rapid expansion of a growing Chris- 
tian Church. 1 These principles have been shown in 

during a decade according to the last census, while the 
Buddhists increased eleven per cent, the Muhammadans and 



THE AWAKENING OF INDIA 197 

the mighty transformation of many of the 60,000,000 
untouchables, cast out of Hinduism. The Methodist 
Church alone has rescued from among them over 
100,000 converts in the last two decades. Christian 
missions are the greatest single force for the regenera- 
tion of India today. The Indian Empire is being con- 
verted as surely and steadily as the Roman Empire 
in the early centuries. 

During the last six months, as we have been tour- 
ing India, we have seen evidences on every hand of 
this religious awakening. Quite apart from con- 
verts, let us notice first the indirect result of missions 
in the changes evident in the non-Christian com- 
munity. Educated Hindus are turning more and 
more to monotheism. They are adopting the con- 
ception of God as a loving Father and seeking Him 
in prayer. They are seeing the evils of caste and 
admitting the claims of human brotherhood. Fol- 
lowing the example of the missionaries, many have 
begun work for the depressed classes. The uplift and 
education of womanhood and the noble movement 
for social reform are gathering strength. The edu- 
cated Hindus of today are unconsciously taking 
their ideals of life largely from Jesus Christ. From 
the Sermon on the Mount, from His demand for 

Parsees each six per cent, and the Hindus only four per cent, 
while the Jains decreased nine per cent, the Indian Protestant 
Christian community increased nearly fifty per cent. Some 1,200 
every week or 5,000 a month have been added to the Church 
during the last decade. 



198 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

moral purity, from His example of self-denying 
service, from the sacrifice of His cross, they are draw- 
ing their inspiration and example for life. Mr. 
Gandhi is a case in point. Largely because of its con- 
tact with Christianity there is a wide-spread move- 
ment to reform Hinduism, to cleanse away its 
obscenities and evil practices. 

None of this comes within the visible circle of 
Christian statistics. Here is a concrete example. 
There lies before us a letter just received from a 
Rajah in South India. Nominally he would be 
classed as a Hindu Brahmin. But at the top of his 
letterhead is a picture of Christ, and under it the 
words, "Love thy God and thy neighbor as thyself." 
He has translated the gospels into Telugu verse. 
The present letter is to thank the writer for getting 
Dr. Sheldon's permission for him to translate "In 
His Steps" for Indian readers. He freely acknowl- 
edges Christ as the only Saviour and the only hope 
of India, though he is not a member of any church. 
Daily he spends much time in reading the New 
Testament and in prayer. He is far more truly a 
Christian than the vast majority of Christians in the 
West. The man is typical of hundreds and even 
thousands in India. The Christians in India num- 
ber only some 4,000,000, but the unseen Christ has 
entered to a greater or less degree every institution 
in India, every reform, every movement for political, 
social, economic, and religious transformation, and 



THE AWAKENING OF INDIA 199 

the day will come when India will acknowledge Him 
and make her matchless contribution to His King- 
dom. She will bring forth from her treasures things 
new and old: the old, from her thirty centuries of 
devotion to the quest of the spiritual and unseen; 
the new, from a quest rewarded and fulfilled in 
Christ, the only answer of her deep desire. 

We have found a second evidence of the present 
religious awakening in the Christian community. 
As we have journeyed through the land we have 
seen two new developments of great promise, the 
indigenous movement of personal evangelism, where- 
by the Church itself is undertaking the task of win- 
ning India, and the movement for corporate union 
among the Christian churches. 

On our last Sunday in the South, at Arupukottai, 
we saw the village Christians, miles from any rail- 
way, bringing in the results of their work during the 
past weeks, in men won by themselves through per- 
sonal work. On Sunday morning in one church we 
saw baptized 123 men and women, gathered from 
fourteen different castes of Hinduism. These Hindus, 
separated from one another by the prison bars of 
caste, who had never had any mutual relations, 
either in eating or in intermarriage, were now 
entering one great Christian family and one com- 
mon brotherhood for the winning of India. These 
fourteen castes, from the highest next to the Brah- 
min to the lowest pariah, embraced landlords, culti- 



200 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

vators, goldsmiths, accountants, coolies, and three 
of the robber castes, including the cattle-lifters and 
the jewel thieves. In the evening during the last 
evangelistic meeting five more men from different 
castes rose and publicly confessed Christ. One of 
them, an astrologer and leader among the people, 
stepped forward and gave his testimony. He 
swayed the whole audience as he spoke. He had been 
providing charms and horoscopes and deceiving the 
people by sorcery. He publicly repented of his past, 
gave up his lucrative occupation and came out boldly 
as a Christian. We took him with us to the next 
city for training, and already he gives promise of 
becoming an Indian evangelist of power. 

In the Tinnevelly district, some miles from the 
railway, fifty wealthy Hindu women had come out 
publicly for Christ without their husbands and had 
been baptized. They have been persecuted, dragged 
through the streets, beaten, and forced by the mob 
into the outward forms of their old idol-worship, but 
they are standing firm today and are now winning 
their husbands to Christianity. In Madura 500 
Christian women were praying and working for the 
non-Christian women of the city. The church was 
filled every night with an audience of non-Christian 
men listening to the evangelistic addresses. The 
movement for evangelism is gathering headway, 
deepening and spreading among the people them- 
selves. A special "week of evangelism" has been 



THE AWAKENING OF INDIA 201 

organized and is being taken up by the Christians all 
over India and China. 

A second result of this cooperation of all Indian 
Christians for evangelism has been an unforeseen 
movement for church union, to unite the three lead- 
ing churches of South India. On May 1 and 2, 1919, 
a conference of Indian ministers was held on the 
subject of church union at old Tranquebar, where 
Protestant mission work was begun more than two 
centuries ago. At this conference the ministers of two 
denominations voted unanimously for a plan of union 
to establish a more truly national Indian Church. 
These two bodies were the Church of England and 
the South India United Church, which already in- 
cludes all of the Congregational, Dutch Reformed, 
Free Church of Scotland, Established Church of 
Scotland, and the Basel Reformed missions of South 
India. Following this meeting another conference of 
ministers was held among the Syrians and Anglicans 
in Travancore. The leaders of the Mar Thoma 
Syrian Church also decided to join the movement for 
union. 

The Indian leaders of these three bodies have 
agreed unofficially upon forming a truly Indian 
Church, uniting the polity of the Congregational, 
Presbyterian, and Episcopal churches all in one. 
The coming together of these three churches would 
unite in one body the converts of the mission work 
of England, Scotland, and America. They repre- 



202 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

sent the three great divisions of the Christian 
Church — the Western Church, the Eastern Church, 
and the free Protestant churches. It was said at the 
Edinburgh Conference in 1910 that union on the 
mission field would be equivalent to doubling all our 
Christian forces. If this union is formed it will be the 
first time in four hundred years since the Reforma- 
tion that the great division between the episcopal 
and non-episcopal churches has been healed. It will 
be the first time in nine centuries, since the division 
between the Eastern and Western Churches, that 
bodies related to these two branches of the Church 
have ever come together. It would unite some 
550,000 Christians in the largest church of the 
whole world mission field. May not these churches 
in India be leading the way toward the Church of 
the future and the reunion of a divided Christendom? 
May they not have a lesson to teach us in the 
divided West? 2 

A brief glance at the ancient Syrian Church of 
Travancore may serve to show the significance of the 
movement, both for evangelism and for Christian 
union in India today. 

It has been the persistent tradition of the Syrian 
Church that it was founded by the Apostle Thomas 
in the first century. While this lacks historical 
proof, it is certain that after the fourth century a 

2 A full statement of the plan of union will be found in Ap- 
pendix V. 






THE AWAKENING OF INDIA 203 

strong Christian church existed in South India. 
About the year 345 A. D. a large emigration of 
Christians from Syria seems to have arrived and for 
centuries the church was dependent upon the 
Patriarch of Antioch. 

In 883 A. D. King Alfred of England sent am- 
bassadors with gifts to them. For centuries the 
Church has maintained its existence in spite of per- 
secution. After two of their bishops had been 
murdered, 30,000 of these persecuted Syrians as- 
sembled around the historic Coonen cross, and taking 
hold of ropes attached to the cross, took a solemn 
oath that they would resist the Roman Inquisition 
and stand for the freedom of their faith. During the 
last century they have been quickened to new life, 
largely through the efforts of devout workers of the 
Church Missionary Society. The Mar Thoma 
Syrian Church has been thoroughly reformed, and 
has returned to the ideal of its early apostolic 
simplicity. It has a married priesthood, an open 
Bible, a simple and vital faith, and is maintaining 
active and efficient work in other parts of India. 
Bishop Abraham was educated in Wycliffe College, 
Toronto, and no church has a more devout and 
spiritual leadership. 

In February we attended the great convention of 
the Mar Thoma Syrians held annually in Travancore. 
Imagine yourself in Maramanu at the Sunday morn- 
ing service in the great palm leaf pavilion, where 



204 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

30,000 Syrian Christians have gathered from all 
parts of this native state of Travancore. It is stifling 
hot even in winter, down here near the Equator. 
Above us rise the graceful cocoanut palms, the 
pepper vines, and banana trees. 

On the platform at our left are seated the white- 
robed priests of this ancient church, and upon 
raised seats on the right are the two bishops in their 
purple satin robes, with golden girdles and quaint 
headdresses. One is of the old school, looking like 
the ancient Nestorian patriarch of Antioch, from 
whom his bishopric draws its historical descent. The 
other is a young man, modern, keen, alert, whom we 
knew as a college student a dozen years ago, when 
he decided one night to give up his future ambition in 
the law and to enter Christian work. After com- 
pleting his education in Canada he returned to spend 
his life in vitalizing this ancient church in which he 
was born. In front of the platform in this great 
pavilion the Christians are seated. They have been 
gathering from hundreds of distant villages, coming 
up like the tribes of old to the Feast of Tabernacles 
at Jerusalem. All are clad in flowing white garments 
and are seated on the dry sand of the river bed, the 
men on the right, the women on the left. As the 
people unite in intercession you can hear a distant 
murmur rising gradually like the sound of the sea. 
A wave of prayer seems to sweep over the vast 
audience. The Bishop leads in a last prayer and we 



THE AWAKENING OF INDIA 205 

begin the morning's address. We have continued 
one theme throughout the entire week, that of per- 
sonal evangelism, or the indigenous effort of this 
ancient church to win India for Christ through the 
laity. 

After the address we throw the meeting open for 
personal work to train the rank and file of Christians 
for this service, before they return to their distant 
villages. The young Bishop leaves the platform to 
work among the people. Some fifty priests scatter 
among them, all busily at work. Nearly twenty-five 
years ago their first convention was held here in the 
sands of this river bed with a thousand or two 
present. Their numbers have grown until now this is 
by far the largest Christian convention in the world. 
They are turning back to the primitive and simple 
Christianity of the early days, with an open Bible, 
fervent prayer, and simple witnessing to the glad 
news of abundant life. Here is an ancient Indian 
church, using its own forms of worship and expressing 
Eastern methods of devotion. 

All about us are the teeming villages of India, 
737,000 of them; so many that if Christ had visited 
one every day during His life on earth, and one every 
day since that time, He would not yet have finished 
the task to tjiis date. Yet here in this ancient Syrian 
Church in all its branches are enough Christians to 
place one in every village in India. Once this church 
is awakened, it will be a mighty factor in the evan- 



206 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

gelization of this land. It is awakening today and 
its leaders are proposing a movement for the cor- 
porate union of Christians which puts to shame the 
divisions of the Church of Christ in the West. 

Just as we attempted to show the political problem 
epitomized in a leader like Mr. Gandhi, so we can 
perhaps best appreciate the work of missions if we 
note two or three concrete examples of typical Indian 
Christians. We will take three men whose work 
we have seen on our recent tour, representing three 
different Indian types, the saint, the churchman, 
and the statesman, as exemplified in Sadhu Sunder 
Singh, Bishop Azariah, and Mr. K. T. Paul. 

Of the three, the Sadhu is the most typically 
Indian, for no other country could produce him. As 
in the case of Mr. Gandhi, the asceticism and re- 
nunciation of thirty centuries are summed up in this 
Christian ascetic, for the calling of a sadhu means 
lifelong renunciation, to wander a homeless, penni- 
less beggar, utterly detached from the material 
world. 

He was born of the warrior Sikhs, of a wealthy 
family, and as a boy had memorized the sacred 
scriptures of the Sikhs and Hindus. He was sent to 
the village mission school for an education, but the 
Bible roused within him the fiercest antagonism. 
He tore up his New Testament and burnt it. For 
years he sought God in his own religion, in sacred 
books, vigils, and fasts. Sikh, Hindu, and Christian 



THE AWAKENING OF INDIA 207 

ideals were all struggling in his soul. One day he 
resolved to find God or die, and spent the whole 
night in prayer with his New Testament. Just 
before dawn he believed he saw the radiant figure 
of Christ, calling him to take up his cross and to fol- 
low Him. 

For nine months he bore the persecution, the tears, 
and the entreaties of his own home, and then at the 
age of sixteen, disowned because he had become 
a Christian, his life attempted by poison, he 
left as an outcast, henceforth to be a home- 
less wanderer. He was baptized in 1905 and took 
the simple saffron robe of the mendicant ascetic. 
He began telling the good news of the Christian 
message in his own town and through the Panjab, 
on into Afghanistan and Kashmir. Clad in his single 
cotton cloth and with his bare feet often bleeding, 
he slept in caves, forests, or village streets. In 1905 
he first hazarded the dangers of Tibet, and spent the 
hot months of each succeeding year there. Many a 
time, when it was known that he was a Christian, 
he was driven from the villages to sleep in jungles or 
caves. 

In 1914 in Nepal he was thrown into prison, but 
still preached to the prisoners there. He was then 
exposed in the stocks in the public marketplace 
without food, while leeches were thrown upon him to 
suck his life-blood. When set free he fell uncon- 
scious, but was finally able to crawl away. In 



208 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

Tibet he met the persecution of the Lamas in bigoted 
Lhasa, which has witnessed the murder of so many. 
He was at one time tried and condemned to death 
for preaching Christ. He was lowered into a dry 
well, to starve among the bones of others who had 
perished there. After terrible tortures, on the third 
night he was released by some one from above, and 
after regaining strength returned again to preach in 
the city from which he was once more driven out. 

During our six months' tour in India we ran across 
the Sadhu's track in every part of the country. In 
Travancore, in Bombay, Madras, and Calcutta, he 
is almost worshiped by many, for India finds in him 
her ascetic ideal, a life of renunciation and detach- 
ment from the material. Upon thousands of lives he 
has left a more extraordinary impression than any 
other man in India. Everywhere he seems to remind 
men of Christ on earth. This summer he held meet- 
ings in Japan and China, and as we write he has once 
more entered Tibet. He is the typical Indian Chris- 
tian sadhu or saint. 

We may take the life of Bishop Azariah, as a 
second typical Indian biography. His ancestors 
were from the humble caste of tree climbers, shut 
out from the temples and from the pale of Hinduism. 
This caste, however, is making rapid progress 
today in education and furnishing some of the 
strongest Christian leaders in India, an argument 
for Christ's principle of brotherhood and human 



THE AWAKENING OF INDIA 209 

worth, as against the false principle of caste. For 
some years Azariah was the writer's fellow-worker 
in India as a secretary of the Y. M. C. A. 

One night under the palm trees of Ceylon he 
caught a vision of his country's need, of his people 
unawakened, and his land unsaved. Returning to 
his own church, he gathered a dozen young men and 
organized the Indian Missionary . Society of Tin- 
nevelly, working with Indian men, Indian money, 
Indian methods, and Indian management. After 
rousing Christians in India to evangelize their own 
country, he himself felt the call to go to the neediest 
and most degraded people in the native state of 
Hyderabad. Ten years ago he began work among 
these depressed classes. In 1912 in the Cathedral at 
Calcutta, in the presence of the Governor of Bengal 
and a distinguished assembly, he was consecrated by 
the Metropolitan and Bishops of India, Burma, 
and Ceylon as the first Anglican Indian Bishop. 

Having witnessed the humble beginnings of his 
mission work, we went at Easter time this year to see 
what had been accomplished. Before sunrise the 
people at Dornakal had assembled to celebrate the 
dawn of Easter Sunday. Here was a congregation of 
four hundred Christians, part of several thousands 
gathered in the last few years from the lowest out- 
castes, who have been transformed by the spirit 
of Christ and are becoming a powerful force for the 
evangelization of this native state. Only a decade 



210 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

ago we had seen these people living in drunkenness, 
dirt, debt, and illiteracy. Many of them were carrion 
eaters, living upon dead carcasses. But today what 
a change! How can we account for this transforma- 
tion of the character and lives of these people? The 
cause is found in the man who has just entered the 
door to lead the Easter service, the young Indian 
Bishop. It is he who a decade ago founded this Indian 
Missionary Society, who with his able fellow-workers 
has won 3,000 converts in this first station, and who 
now has the care of 60,000 Christians in his diocese. 
Upon his arrival the Bishop began to gather these 
people into schools and congregations to teach them. 
They were so ignorant that there were men and 
women who after six weeks of patient instruction 
literally could not repeat the first sentence of the 
Lord's Prayer. Accordingly the Bishop dropped the 
method of teaching by rote, and found that in a day 
or two they could be taught to pray spontaneously 
out of their own hearts. We looked into the bright 
faces of the boarding-school children. In the sur- 
rounding villages are reformed drunkards, thieves, 
and outcastes, who are now in charge of congrega- 
tions, earning their own livelihood and receiving 
not a cent for Christian work. The whole work is 
natural, indigenous, and spontaneous. No foreigner 
has ever controlled it. No evangelist is paid for 
preaching the Gospel. Evangelism is considered to 
be the universal privilege of the Church. 



THE AWAKENING OF INDIA 211 

The boarding-school boys are taught weaving, 
carpentry, and agriculture. The plan is similar to 
that of Hampton and Tuskegee in America for the 
industrial uplift of an impoverished race. Here are 
boys who will go out as self-supporting workers, 
many of them to take charge of a village congrega- 
tion. Take a case in point. We have just been having 
a talk with Thomas, a new convert. He told us his 
own story. A member of the thief caste, for ten 
years Thomas was a professional robber. He had 
been twice in prison. Eight years ago Thomas was 
baptized. He went out by himself and won two vil- 
lages to Christianity. He has charge of a congrega- 
tion which he teaches on Sunday and shepherds on 
week days. His wjfe teaches the night school in the 
village and both are laboring hard to win the people 
of their own robber caste. Neither receives any sal- 
ary for this work. The Christian people have given 
up drink, the women are well clad, for the first time 
in their lives they have at least two regular meals a 
day, their debts are paid, and Thomas's wife is the 
proud possessor of a War Bond. For years Thomas 
was on the black books of the police as a "known 
depredator" and had to answer the thieves' roll call 
every night. He is now a member of the Diocesan 
Council, the head of a congregation, a living witness 
to the transforming power of the Gospel of Christ. 
Can you imagine what a spiritual force a thousand or 
two such living arguments would be in the midst of 



212 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

the corruption, drunkenness, and illiteracy around 
them? These men are the hope of India's 60,000,000 
outcastes. And such men as Bishop Azariah are the 
hope of the Christian Church. 

A third type of Indian Christian may be seen in 
Mr. K. T. Paul, an organizer and Christian states- 
man. He is a nationalist as truly as Gokhale or 
Gandhi, but as much of a practical organizer as any 
American or Britisher. One remembers the night 
many years ago when he made his great decision, re- 
nounced his ambition and professional prospects, 
and came out to serve his country as the head of the 
National Missionary Society. This organization is 
successfully conducting its own missions in five 
sections of India, with missionary magazines in as 
many vernaculars. It has already gathered nearly 
3,000 converts. Mr. Paul later became National 
Secretary of the Y. M. C. A. The British and 
American Associations combined have in two de- 
cades been able to send out only one or two men of 
equal ability in organization. With his colleagues he 
is grappling today with the overwhelming problems 
that India presents. There are the young men of the 
cities who will lead the political movements, as India 
enters upon a new era of responsible government. 
There are India's 60,000 students in the universities 
and the 2,000,000 former students who speak Eng- 
lish. Who is to guide these young men amid the 
perils of the present situation? Then there are the 



THE AWAKENING OF INDIA 213 

nine-tenths of the population found in the villages 
of India. Mr. Paul has been facing the problems of 
all these classes. He has been developing an able 
Indian leadership and adapting the Christian move- 
ment to Oriental conditions. 

He and a growing band of Indian Christian college 
graduates are the hope of the new era of responsible 
government. Democracy will be on trial in ancient 
India. The problem of India, and in fact of the whole 
of continental Asia is whether Hinduism and the 
non-Christian religions can produce honest and 
efficient democratic government. 3 

May we venture on a prediction from the analogy 
of history? Responsible government in India will 
succeed — in part. Great leaders like Gokhale and 
Gandhi will rise above selfish interest and caste 
prejudice and from motives of patriotism will serve 
their country loyally and effectively. In so far as 
responsible government succeeds, it will be a clear 
gain. But India may witness a great outbreak of 
bribery and corruption. She will have something to 
do besides criticizing others. Just as there is much 
corruption in some of her municipalities which we 
visited recently, this will probably appear on a 

3 Conditions in Japan are wholly exceptional and unparalleled. 
There the solidarity of the nation and the powerful motive of 
patriotism among the masses, who are now widely educated, 
furnish the ground, upon the material plane, for a relatively 
honest and highly efficient administration of a benevolent 
oligarchy. 



214 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

larger and more dangerous scale nationally. In 
just so far as her own religions cannot produce 
honesty and efficiency and democracy; in just so 
far as they cannot lift the outcastes, and rise above 
bribery and special caste privilege, they will be 
driven back to the great dynamic Christian principles 
and the motive power that has produced men like 
Sadhu Sunder Singh, Bishop Azariah, and Mr. K. T. 
Paul. The regeneration of India must depend upon 
personal character. The need of the future lies in 
multiplying the leaders who will share in these 
characteristics of the Christian saint, the Christian 
churchman, and the Christian statesman. And 
Christianity alone can produce such Christians. 

As one of the problems with which Mr. Paul and 
other Christian leaders are trying to grapple, let us 
try to grasp the poverty of the nearly 300,000,000 in 
rural India. Let us survey this vast area of human 
need. 

We are standing on a hill top in western India in 
the midst of the famine district. As far as the eye 
can reach toward the burning horizon we look out 
over these parched plains of death. Fields that 
should be green with corn are burnt like brick and 
the sky above seems brass. With the failure of the 
rain the crops withered and died nearly six months 
ago. Skeletons of dead cattle which have already 
succumbed lie by the roadside. Just ahead is one 
of the government relief works where 6,000 people 



THE AWAKENING OF INDIA 215 

are building a road. The men get eight cents a day, 
the women seven cents, and the children from two 
to four cents. On the bare height is the deserted 
Hindu temple with its hideous dead idol of stone, 
with no message and no motive for service in such 
an hour of need. Above, the vultures dot the sky 
awaiting the next carcass. Parts of India are in the 
thrall of famine again. Even in normal times this 
is the neediest section of this round world of human 
need. Here one-fifth of the human race lives in the 
midst of greater poverty, ignorance, illiteracy, 
superstition, idolatry, debt, and famine than any 
other large section of Asia. 

When we landed in India more than twenty years 
ago we went through the experience of a great 
famine when 5,000,000 died and 50,000,000 suffered 
the gnawing pains of hunger. During the last half 
century twenty-two famines have swept away 
28,000,000 of the population. The average per 
capita wealth is only about $100, or about one- 
twentieth that of America or England. The average 
income of each person according to Lord Cromer was 
only ten dollars per year, or about three cents a day. 
How can they get three meals a day on an income 
of three cents? They simply do not get them. 
Wages vary from four to ten cents a day for a day 
laborer. We learned recently of two boys who were 
daily walking twenty-two miles to get work at four 
cents a day in order to support their widowed 



216 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

mother and her children. Living from hand to mouth, 
the people easily fall a prey to the voracious money- 
lender and soon become his slaves. Rates of inter- 
est vary all the way from 18 to 150 per cent per 
annum. Near a city through which we have just 
passed a poor villager was compelled to pay 400 per 
cent interest in two years without reducing the 
principal. Unable to read or write, forced to make 
his mark on any document which the money-lender 
placed before him, the man speedily became the 
slave of this Shylock. He is now caught in the 
spider's web; his time, his labor, his cattle if he has 
any, his land, and even his wife and children are 
under the control of this usurer who becomes 
his lord and master. If he is insubordinate, he is 
dragged to court and his family become paupers. 

Is there any remedy for this state of things? 
Five years ago the Young Men's Christian Associa- 
tion in India, under the leadership of its National 
General Secretary, Mr. K. T. Paul, opened a Rural 
Department to endeavor to grapple with the terrific 
economic and social needs of the downtrodden out- 
caste masses of the poor. After a thorough canvass 
of the field, a Christian Central Bank was organized. 
This Central Bank loans money at seven and a half 
per cent to cooperative societies, which are organized 
by the Y. M. C. A., subject to inspection by Govern- 
ment. 

Able young Indian college graduates of strong 



THE AWAKENING OF INDIA 217 

moral character are chosen and given a thorough 
training in government agricultural schools, in con- 
ducting cooperative societies, or as specialists in 
weaving, sericulture, leather-working, and other 
industries. The rural work of the Y. M. C. A. is 
based on foundations laid by Government, which 
has done splendid work, but the people are suspi- 
cious of a government official and averse to change, 
and here voluntary Christian organizations can 
help. 

Let us imagine a young Indian secretary, an 
English-speaking college graduate, entering a rural 
field endeavoring to lift the whole tone of life in a 
group of twenty surrounding villages. He makes a 
survey of the field and prepares to form a coopera- 
tive society with unlimited liability. First of all the 
old debts and mortgages of the villagers, which have 
been hanging like a mill-stone about their necks 
and preventing all hope of progress, are paid off, and 
new loans are made which are confined strictly to 
productive investments. One man now buys a few 
acres of land and begins a little farm. Another buys 
a pair of ploughing oxen, another procures one of the 
new type of Meston ploughs, a Western plough 
adapted to Indian conditions which can be pulled 
by Indian oxen. New tools, better implements, and 
modern methods of agriculture are introduced. In a 
village where the people are weavers, the new "fly 
shuttle loom" is procured and the people are in- 



218 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

structed in its use. With this loom they can soon 
double or treble their income. 

The rural secretary teaches the people to keep 
their books and educate their children. He drills 
them in business methods, teaches them to prepare 
their documents, and instructs them in reading and 
writing so that they can affix their signatures. He 
teaches the farmers better methods of fertilizing and 
preserving of crops and fodder; he introduces the 
silo, teaches the people rotation of crops, better 
methods of caring for cattle and poultry, and how 
to secure the best market for their produce. Coopera- 
tive societies soon inculcate new habits of thrift and 
self-help. If multiplied in India, they will help to do 
away with the curse of chronic famine. The coopera- 
tive society and its economic benefits are made the 
leverage for lifting the entire life of the village — 
moral, social, educational, and religious. 

A new moral standard is soon discernible in the 
village. In the evening the secretary calls together 
the boys of the village and instructs them in simple, 
non-equipment games. Later on he may introduce 
football and volley ball. The whole village collects 
in the moonlight to watch the children with the new 
spirit of joy and play. The elders stand by wistfully 
looking on, until finally they plead that they also 
may be allowed to join in and play the games of 
which they never heard when they passed through 
their relatively joyless childhood. Lantern lectures 



THE AWAKENING OF INDIA 219 

on popular subjects and motion pictures are next 
used to open the eyes of these people. 

Take a typical rural worker such as we have just 
seen. He has buried his life out in the district among 
the people of Travancore and already there is a 
wonderful response. Scores of men have been re- 
leased from debt. People whose outcaste ancestors 
had lived from hand to mouth as coolies, forbidden 
by the Law of Manu to own land or to live decently, 
have now secured property of their own. Some 
have doubled and trebled their incomes. Some have 
new and better houses. This one man is conducting 
work through twenty-five rural Y. M. C. A.'s which 
have been organized in his own district. Last year 
more than one thousand cottage prayer meetings 
were conducted, fifty Bible classes were held, and 
more than fifty men joined the Church. And all 
this work has been accomplished by one educated 
Indian Christian. 

In no case during the five years has there been one 
bad loan, non-payment, or default, or a single law- 
suit in connection with the Christian Central Bank. 
Principal and interest have both been paid. The 
government auditor shows that one hundred per 
cent of the loans due have been paid to date. The 
whole plan is sound, sane, and practical and it is 
working. There is need of opening this work in 
thousands of villages immediately. 

Here is the appeal India makes to us, the mute 



220 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

appeal of one vast immeasurable human need. The 
people of India are ready to help themselves in so 
far as that is humanly possible. The British Govern- 
ment stands ready to do its part, in so far as official 
help can be given, but it is strictly pledged to re- 
ligious neutrality. India's deepest need cannot be 
met by official government action and it has not 
been met by thirty-five centuries of India's indige- 
nous religions, noble as has been her long search for 
truth. One thing alone can meet her need, the 
dynamic of vital Christianity. That and that alone 
will enable her to take her place in Everybody's 
World. 



IX 
ANGLO-SAXON RESPONSIBILITY 

America's " splendid isolation" is apparently- 
ended forever. She is no longer islanded in the 
New World. Through no purpose or plan of her own 
a Providence has driven her beyond her own borders, 
and called her to take her place among the nations. 
It is gratifying that the republics of France and 
America have been bound together. 

No result of the war, however, is more significant 
than that which has drawn America into closer 
relationship with Great Britain in the reunion of the 
Anglo-Saxon peoples. For the first time in history 
the British Union Jack has floated from the Wash- 
ington monument — the only foreign flag, so far as 
we know, which has ever been placed there — and the 
Stars and Stripes from the Tower of the House of 
Parliament in London, where no other foreign flag 
has ever been unfurled. 

Beginning as obscure Teutonic tribes, moving 
westward from Europe to the little island of Britain, 
and then across the wide Atlantic to the American 
continent, the liberty-loving Anglo-Saxon people 
have risen to a place of unique importance and re- 
sponsibility in the world. It is of deep significance 
that the British Empire and the United States com- 

221 



222 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

bined control nearly one-third of the habitable land 
of the globe. 

Taken together, these Anglo-Saxons have the 
responsibility for the go* ernment of more than 
550,000,000 people, or nearly one-third of the popula- 
tion of the world. 1 If we consider for a moment 
the numbers of the white race in each country, the 
British Empire has about 60,000,000, governing 
some 380,000,000 of other races; while the United 
States has a white population of some 90,000,000, 
governing about 20,000,000 of other races. 

In wealth, these Anglo-Saxon peoples hold a place 
of even greater importance than in the matter of 
area and population. The wealth of the United 
States before entering the War, according to the 
latest estimates of the Census Bureau in Washing- 
ton, was approximately $228,000,000,000; and that 
of the British Empire over $130,000,000,000, or the 
enormous total of $358,000,000,000. Granting that 
all estimates of wealth are only a rough approxima- 
tion, their combined wealth is greater than that of 
the score of other nations who were fighting in the 
late war all taken together, and is nearly one-half 
of that of the entire globe. 2 

More important than their area, population, and 



1 The estimated population of the United States and her 
possessions at the close of the War was over 113,000,000 and the 
British Empire 439,000,000— "Statesman's Year Book," and 
"World Almanac." 



ANGLO-SAXON RESPONSIBILITY 223 

wealth, are the underlying ideals and principles upon 
which these Anglo-Saxon nations are built. We do 
not claim here any superiority to others, or that 
we have yet attained or lived up to our ideals. But 
we cannot deny the responsibility of a great in- 
heritance. There is the common possession of the 
ideal of liberty, hard won by centuries of strife and 
sacrifice. Together the two peoples have stood for 
the ideal of democracy and self-government, and 
with France they have led in democratic institutions. 
Together these nations have maintained high ideals 
in education and great traditions in their religious 
life. 

With all their faults, and despite many exceptions, 

^Estimated Wealth of Belligerent Nations 

National Wealth Per Capita 
Wealth 

United States $228,000,000,000 $2,012 

United Kingdom 90,000,000,000 1,915 

France 65,000,000,000 1,625 

Russia 60,000,000,000 343 

Italy 35,000,000,000 972 

Belgium and Serbia 13,750,000,000 1,165 

Portugal and Roumania 7,500,000,000 536 

Entente Total $499,250,000,000 $1,224 

Germany, before the War 80,000,000,000 1,177 

Austria-Hungary, before the 

War 45,000,000,000 849 

Turkey and Bulgaria, before 

the War 8,750,000,000 330 

Alliance Total $133,750,000,000 $ 907 

All Belligerents $633,000,000,000 $1,092 

See "War Loans and War Finance," page 32. 



224 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

it cannot be denied that these two Anglo-Saxon 
peoples have been possessed by a great moral earnest- 
ness. These two nations have led during the last 
century in their philanthropic and missionary out- 
reach. Apart from the Church of Rome, England 
and America together are furnishing nearly three- 
fourths of the missionaries of the world, and more 
than four-fifths of the financial expenditure for social 
and national uplift among the less favored peoples. 
Out of 24,039 missionaries, North America is furnish- 
ing 10,865 and Britain 6,599. Out of a total annual 
expenditure of $38,922,822., North America is fur- 
nishing $19,135,445., or about one-half, and Britain 
$13,819,340. 

These nations have also held the aim of peace 
founded on righteousness, although they have not 
always been able to preserve this peace or main- 
tain this righteousness. We do not hold that all of 
England's wars have been just and her possessions 
unselfishly gained, while a study of the history of the 
treaties of the United States with the Red Indians 
will not enable an American justly to assert that his 
own Government has always kept its obligations. 
But none the less, these two peoples have inherited 
a great common tradition and have held a high ideal 
of righteousness. Only if we maintain these ideals 
of unselfish service and insist on the right of full and 
free development for all other peoples for whom we 
may be held responsible, can we justify our existence. 



ANGLO-SAXON RESPONSIBILITY 225 

Our responsibility is enormous. From an authority 
higher than any League of Nations we hold a man- 
date for all that we possess. And we must render an 
account of our stewardship. 

Surely it has been entrusted to us, not for the 
enrichment of ourselves but as a mandate for the 
welfare of the world. The Anglo-Saxons never set 
out deliberately to conquer a third of the globe or 
to build up vast empires for themselves. The Pil- 
grim Puritans never dreamed of America as a con- 
tinent of wealth, but sought a place of liberty, where 
they could worship God in peace. The hardy col- 
onists who resisted taxation without representation 
never thought of a great republic. Their successors 
who felt that they were driven to intervene in the 
persecution and misgovernment in Cuba and the 
Philippines, could not forsee a precedent and a 
policy that would force them beyond their own 
borders to take their full part in the world's life. 
The American is more ready to grant an overruling 
Providence and disinterested motives to himself 
than he is to his British brother, just as the latter 
in turn is likely to misunderstand the former in his 
position with regard to the War. But the British 
Empire was built in the same unforeseen way. 

The British never dreamed of an empire in India 
when the Dutch monopoly of pepper and spices 
forced them into more direct trade relations with the 
East. But step by step the defense of their trade 



226 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

and factories, the internal strife of native princes 
and their mismanagement, the wars with the French 
and other causes led them on to their present posi- 
tion in India. They could not now suddenly with- 
draw without plunging the country into the civil 
war and bloodshed which existed for fifteen centuries 
before their entry. It was the same in Egypt. The 
hopeless state of her finances, the mismanagement 
and prodigal waste of Ismail Pasha forced England 
to intervene. The efficient reorganization of the 
country by Lord Cromer created a new and prosper- 
ous Egypt, a blessing instead of a burden to the 
world. The great danger in India, Egypt, and the 
Philippines alike is to look at the whole world from a 
self-centered standpoint and to forget our divine 
mandate. 

It is our conviction that the two great Anglo- 
Saxon peoples have been united again, not only for 
the winning of the War, but for the winning of the 
world. If then the Anglo-Saxon peoples have been 
drawn together for some great providential purpose, 
it is of the utmost importance that we should under- 
stand each other and cooperate in the achievement of 
that purpose. At present there is need of a better 
understanding between these two peoples. The 
very fact that we have common traditions, a com- 
mon history, a common language and literature, the 
very fact that we belong to the same family, means 
not only a closer relationship, but a source of pos- 



ANGLO-SAXON RESPONSIBILITY 227 

sible friction. Unfortunately, we are often at our 
best with strangers and at our worst with our rela- 
tives. British and Americans hardly look upon each 
other as foreigners, but rather as cousins, but for 
that very reason the two nations are perhaps more 
critical of each other. The schoolbooks of America 
and our traditions from the Revolutionary War have 
helped to maintain on this side of the Atlantic some- 
thing of the old prejudice. The press in each coun- 
try until a few years ago emphasized the faults, 
peculiarities, and shortcomings of the other nation 
and did much to increase this prejudice. 

The fact that we speak the same language is, 
strangely enough, another cause of friction. As a 
matter of fact we have a common literature, but we 
do not speak the same language. Only long residence 
in a country can enable us to understand the lan- 
guage of its people. Americans and English start out 
with the misconception that they understand each 
other's speech, but as a matter of fact we often use 
words with quite different intent. All nations, due 
to their own provincialism, have a certain natural 
prejudice against foreigners. As Lowell once ob- 
served, there is "a certain condescension in for- 
eigners," which is not confined to any one people. 

Mr. Samuel Crothers, in his delightful essay on 
"The Anglo-American School of Polite Unlearn- 
ing," points out the necessity for both nations to 
unlearn their prejudice and the great mass of mis- 



228 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

information which each has accumulated about the 
other. They must both realize that there is more 
than one way of doing things and that our way is 
not necessarily the best. 

With a view to arriving at a better understanding 
of each other, we must ask leave to make two rather 
extended quotations from widely separated writers, 
on both sides of the Atlantic. Emerson, in his " Eng- 
lish Traits," written seventy years ago, after his 
voyages to England in 1833 and 1847, makes some 
observations which throw light upon both the strong 
and weak points of the unchanging English char- 
acter. 

"They are free forcible men. They give the bias 
to the current age. They have sound bodies, and 
supreme endurance in war and in labor. . . . They 
are impatient of genius. They have a supreme eye 
to fact, keeping their eye on their aim. ... In 
short, everyone of these islanders is an island him- 
self, safe, tranquil, incommunicable. In a company 
of strangers, you would think him deaf; his eyes 
never wander from his table and newspaper, he 
is never betrayed into any curiosity or unbecoming 
emotion. . . . They have all been trained in one 
severe school of manners. They are positive, me- 
thodical, cleanly, and formal, loving routine and con- 
ventional ways; loving truth and religion, to be sure, 
but inexorable on points of form. . . . Let who 
will fail, England will not. 

"They hate nonsense, sentimentalism, and high- 
flown expression; they use a studied plainness. They 



ANGLO-SAXON RESPONSIBILITY 229 

are blunt in saying what they think, sparing of 
promises, and they require plain dealing of others. 
. . . Here exists the best stock in the world, 
broad-fronted, broad-bottomed, best for depth, 
range, and equability, men of aplomb and reserves, 
great range and many moods, strong instincts, yet 
apt for culture. 

"Our swifter Americans, when they first deal 
with English, pronounce them stupid; but later, do 
them justice as people who wear well, or hide their 
strength. The stability of England is the security 
of the modern world. The English stand for liberty. 
. . . Already it is ruddering the balloon, and the 
next war will be fought in the air." 3 

We also add a quotation from a Scotchman which 
throws light upon the Englishman of today, taken 
from Ian Hay's delightful essay on "The Oppressed 
English." 

"The Englishman's Secular Decalogue: 

"(1) Thou shalt own allegiance to no man, save 
the King. Thou shalt be deferential to those above 
thee in station, and considerate of those below thee. 
To those of thine own rank thou mayest behave as 
seemeth good to thee. 

"(2) Thou shalt worship thine ancestors and 
family connections. 

"(3) Thou shalt not talk 'shop'. 

" (4) Thou shalt not put on 'side'. 

"(5) Thou shalt not speak aught but flippantly 
of matters that concern thee deeply. 

3 Emerson, "English Traits," pp. 26, 63, 83. 



230 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

" (6) Thou shalt never make public thy domestic 
affairs. Above all, thou shalt never make open 
reference to thy women, in places where men gather 
together, such as the club. 

"(7) Thou shalt make war as a sportsman. Thou 
shalt play the game. That is to say, thou shalt not 
study the science too laboriously beforehand, for 
that would savour of professionalism. And when 
thou dost fight thou shalt have strict regard for the 
rules, even if it be to thine own hurt. Moreover, 
thou shalt play for thy side and not for thyself. 
Thou shalt visit no personal affront upon thine 
enemy when thou dost capture him, for that is not 
the game. 

" (8) Thou shalt never be in a hurry. Thou shalt 
employ deliberation in thought. 

"(9) Thou shalt not enter into friendly relations 
with a stranger, least of all a foreigner, until thou 
shalt have made enquiry concerning him. When 
thou hast discovered a common bond, however 
slight, thou shalt take him to thy bosom. 

"(10) Thou shalt render thyself inconspicuous. 
Thou shalt not wear unusual apparel, or thou shalt 
be committed to a special hell reserved for those 
who, knowing better, wear made-up ties, or who com- 
pass unlawful combinations of frock-coats, derby 
hats, and tan boots." 4 

Both these quotations throw fight upon the 
English character and help us to understand it. 
The American has long been isolated, and the 
Englishman is naturally reticent and conservative, 

4 Ian Hay, "The Oppressed English," pp. 19-26. 



ANGLO-SAXON RESPONSIBILITY 231 

but we simply must seek to understand each other, 
not for reasons of sentiment, but for solid accom- 
plishment in cooperation, to fulfil our destiny of 
service to the world. 

The writer has been many times in England and 
he lived for fifteen years with British residents in 
India. In attending a recent British Student Con- 
ference, he was struck by the contrast in mentality 
between British and American students. He ob- 
served the same in the two new volunteer armies as 
he compared young Englishmen with the same class 
in the American army. For the sake of clearness, 
he has drawn up a series of ten contrasts in parallel 
columns. This, confessedly, is subject to the danger 
of all sweeping generalizations, which are never com- 
pletely true. Contrasts are often too sharp, and in 
some cases necessarily exaggerated to bring out the 
differences. There are, of course, many exceptions 
and many qualifications that would have to be made 
in each case. 

This table of contrasts was submitted to a group 
of cosmopolitan students, both English and 
American, who had traveled widely, and most of 
them agreed with the majority of the points. Let 
us then state the ten contrasts, and briefly explain 
them afterward. If they are in a measure true they 
will explain many causes of misunderstanding and 
friction that have arisen from time to time between 
the two peoples. 



232 



EVERYBODY'S WORLD 



CONTRASTS IN ANGLO-SAXON MENTALITY. 



English 

1 . The Mentality of Age 

The product of an environ- 
ment older, more highly de- 
veloped and conventionalized. 

2. Conservative 

Suspicious of change. Em- 
pirical and pragmatic. 
The judicial mind, cautious, 
moderate, and just. 

3. The Intensive Mind 

With a natural aversion to 
statistics; an emphasis on 
quality rather than quantity. 

4. Individualistic and Critical 
Critical of self, of others, of 
political opponents, and of 
national leaders. 

5. Reserved 

Less free to speak, yet more 
frank, sometimes brutally 
frank in expression. Reserve 
often due to shyness. 

6. Self-Depreciating 
Self-confident in thought and 
action, but self-depreciating 
in speech. 

7. Lacking in Social Democracy 
Born of social privilege, in an 
older social order, with stra- 
tification of class and caste 
divisions. 

Superior attainment in social 
culture. 

8. Strong in Political Democracy 
Insistence on personal rights, 
self-government, and good 
government. 



American 
The Mentality of Youth 
With the natural advantages, 
disadvantages, and limitations 
thereof. 

Radical 

Progressive and inventive. Vo- 
litional in temperament. 
The executive personality, aim- 
ing at efficiency. 

The Extensive Mind 
With a craving for exact and 
concrete measurement, and a 
love of statistics. 

Social and Appreciative 
Power of analytical criticism 
less developed, and more sensi- 
tive to criticism. 

Unreserved and Expansive 
More direct, open, and friend- 
ly; yet more tactful and diplo- 
matic in expression. 

Youthfully Optimistic 
Self-confident, not only in 
thought and action, but often 
in speech, which is obnoxious 
to the British. 

Stronger in Social Democracy 
Less class and caste division, 
more appreciation of innate 
worth. 

In a period of social construc- 
tion, more callow and crude. 

Weaker in Political Democracy 
Despite outward republican 
forms, more tolerant of bad 
government. 



ANGLO-SAXON RESPONSIBILITY 233 

CONTRASTS IN ANGLO-SAXON MENTALITY— Continued 
English American 

9. Tendency to Prejudice Breadth rather than Depth 
In matters of politics, social With opinions unformed and 
distinction, language, and often lacking in thought. More 
pronunciation; prejudice versatile and adaptable, but 
against foreigners and foreign with the danger of super- 
customs, ficiality. 

10. The Historic Stand-point The Prophetic Standpoint 

The long-distance view of Straining toward the future; 

time, producing patience and lacking in experience of its 

persistence in accomplish- own limitations; boundless 

ment. Proving all things and hope of accomplishment, drive, 

holding fast that which is push, and hurry, 
good. 

We are here contrasting only English and Ameri- 
can men of the same class. We do not include the 
Scotch, Irish, Canadians, or other Colonials, for 
they have the same difficulty in understanding the 
English that Americans have. The Canadians and 
Colonials, and indeed most people of newer countries, 
would, in most of their characteristics, have to be 
placed in the righthand column, in contrast with the 
English. Strangely enough if the contrast were be- 
tween the English and the older countries of Europe, 
the former in turn would have to be moved over to 
the righthand column as relatively younger, more 
radical, progressive, optimistic, democratic, than 
their kindred of an older civilization on the main- 
land. In a word, we are all just human, made of the 
same raw material, the product of our differing 
environments, but more marked in our similarities 
than in our differences. We may be the product of 



234 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

an environment older or younger, more developed 
or primitive, more conventional or crude, but we are 
brothers still. We all have so many faults that 
boasting is excluded for the cosmopolitan. 

The first contrast is, of course, only relatively 
true. England, however, is an older country, more 
highly developed, more conventionalized, more 
mature in its social life and institutions. The 
American has been busy conquering the vast material 
resources and the virgin soil of a new continent. Not 
only is England an older nation, more highly de- 
veloped in its life, but the English college student is 
more mature in his thought and reading and social 
life than is the American student of the same age. 
Youth and age each has its advantages and dis- 
advantages. 

Broadly speaking, the Englishman is certainly 
more conservative and the American more radical 
and progressive. The Englishman hates change, 
the American loves it. The Englishman is often 
more thoughtful than the American. Though neither 
has the capacity for the thorough abstract thought of 
the German, both are more practical, empirical, and 
intuitive. The American has the volitional tempera- 
ment, he is a man of action rather than thought. 
While the Englishman is more judicial and cautious 
in mind, the American has more executive ability and 
efficiency in administration. These differences of 
viewpoint and habit of mind are a possible cause of 



ANGLO-SAXON RESPONSIBILITY 235 

misunderstanding. Conservatives and radicals are 
often mutually prejudiced and opposed. The con- 
servative, however, is only an old radical, and the 
radical only a young conservative. Each must 
supplement and learn from the other. 

The third contrast, if true, explains another minor 
cause of misunderstanding. The more mature 
Britisher has generally a more intensive mind; more 
often he gets down to first principles; he has, as it 
seems to the American, a strange aversion to sta- 
tistics and to mere bulk and bigness; he thinks in 
terms of value rather than of dimension. The 
American, on the contrary, has a natural love for 
what is large, an everlasting craving for figures, for 
exact and concrete measurements. He would feign, 
perforce, inform his English brother of the glories 
of Chicago, the exact floor space of its big depart- 
ment stores, the number of stories of his skyscrapers, 
the prosperity of his business, and the bigness of his 
continent. He has a childlike love for whatever is 
"the largest on earth," and "the greatest in the 
world." He possesses a great many of these things 
and loves to tell a waiting world of their wonders. 
The Englishman, however, does not take his youth- 
ful cousin as seriously as he takes himself, and seems 
to be more struck with the misgovernment of his 
city than by his forty-story skyscraper. 

The fourth contrast also explains a cause of mis- 
understanding between the two peoples. The 



236 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

Englishman dearly holds to his eternal prerogative 
of criticizing everything. He is critical of himself, 
of his party, most of all of his political opponents. 
He thinks the whole country is going to the dogs 
when the opposition is in power. 

The fifth contrast brings out a strange difference 
between the two peoples. At first sight the English- 
man is more reserved than the American, who is more 
open, talkative, and expansive. The Englishman is 
slow to speak, but if he speaks at all he is more 
direct and often brutally frank in his expression. 
The American is more open and friendly. He talks 
more, yet he is instinctively more tactful and diplo- 
matic in expression. His reserved, yet frank brother, 
John Bull sometimes mistakes this for insincerity, 
but it is not so. As an illustration of this, an Ameri- 
can woman while traveling in England was asked on 
three different occasions to stay with various families. 
She declined in each case, but she did it so tactfully 
that all three thought she had accepted and were 
surprised when she did not come. Any American 
would have understood his fellow-countrywoman. 
Both nationalities were misled by the supposition 
that they were speaking the same language. If they 
would understand one another let the Englishman 
try to be friendly, and let the American be less tact- 
ful and say what he thinks. 

The sixth contrast brings out a difference which is 
a much more fruitful source of misunderstanding 



ANGLO-SAXON RESPONSIBILITY 237 

between the two peoples. Boasting is considered 
bad form in England, and the boy is habitually- 
taught in the home, in the public school, and through- 
out life, if he is of gentle birth, that it is vulgar. It is 
good form to be modest in one's appraisal of himself, 
of past accomplishments, or future expectations. 
The Englishman, if he is a gentleman, is self-depre- 
ciating in speech, but he is self-confident in action. 
He believes that he never has been, never is, and 
never can be beaten. Self-confident in action, he will 
plod along until he "muddles through" somehow. 
But having done a thing, he does not talk about it. 
Now the American, like his English cousin, is 
equally self-confident in action. He, too, thinks he 
never has been, never is, and never can be beaten. 
But if he honestly believes this he frankly says so. 
He admits it ! The Englishman's self -depreciation 
seems to him to be hypocritical and insincere ; while 
1 the American's self-confidence in speech seems to the 
Englishman the most obnoxious and vulgar boast- 
ing. For to the Englishman, of all things, "swank," 
bragging and boasting, "talking big," and claiming 
the earth, are the most detested. They are, in 
England, the sure and certain mark of bad breeding. 
When, therefore, the Englishman hears his youthful 
and optimistic cousin, with his frank self-confidence 
in speech, he lays it to vulgar lack of breeding, not 
realizing that his own habit of speech has been 
formed under a conventional rule of etiquette which 



238 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

does not necessarily obtain in other countries. The 
chief point is that we must not misunderstand each 
other or think that our way is the only way. 

Instances of this tendency to boast occurred in the 

war zone. At B , where there were a number of 

British patients from the hospital — crippled, wound- 
ed, and convalescent — out on the dock, an American 
Sammy, arriving three years late, possibly feeling a 
little uneasy that his nation had previously done so 
little in. the War, and trying to make up for it by 
"tall talk," told these veteran patients how America 
was going to show them how to win the War. The 
patients were naturally so indignant that they fell 
upon the Yankee, gave him a good beating, and 
threw him off the end of the dock. 

The next two contrasts in the table also illustrate 
a difference which leads to misunderstanding. The 
American imagines that he has a " corner" on 
democracy. He comes from a "glorious republic," 
where liberty, equality, and fraternity have been 
achieved. Surely all the world must know, as he has 
since his earliest school days, that America is "the 
land of the free and the home of the brave." Aristo- 
cratic England in his eyes has the sad misfortune 
to be governed by a king. 

As a matter of fact, while America has achieved 
much in social democracy, she is still, despite her 
outward form of republican government, behind 
England in political democracy. The American who 



ANGLO-SAXON RESPONSIBILITY 239 

boasts of his liberty is strangely submissive to 
tyranny. The Englishman, the Frenchman, even 
the German, would not for a moment put up with the 
corrupt political, graft-ridden, boss-driven rule of 
some of our American cities. The Englishman is 
much more insistent upon his personal rights; he will 
fight harder for good government than the American. 
There is far less "graft" in England than in the 
United States. 

On the other hand, the British are behind in social 
democracy. They have a riper, older social culture, 
achieved by a leisured class with a fine ideal of a 
gentleman. England socially is living on her ac- 
quired capital, while the American, in his shirt- 
sleeves, is out making his fortune in a period of social 
construction. But if more callow and crude, he is 
socially more democratic, with less regard for class, 
and in principle and practice holds closer to the truth 
that "a man's a man for a' that." 

They are alike in their love of liberty, their refusal 
to admit the possibility of defeat, both have a strong 
instinct for competition, the commercial vein, the 
passion for work, and moral earnestness. But both 
are prejudiced, and both nations have their faults 
and limitations. For the sake of our common tradi- 
tions in the past, and our high calling in the future, 
can we not cultivate a larger and more generous 
appreciation of each other? In many things we must 
agree to differ and accept each other as we are. 



240 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

Unfortunately we were not consulted as to our 
ancestry, and we did not altogether choose our 
virtues or shortcomings. We are so close together 
and so much alike that often we get upon each 
other's nerves. Let the Englishman who has any 
regard for Anglo-Saxon relations in the future try- 
not to seem reserved, cold, proud, and patronizing, 
as he so often does to the stranger from America or 
the colonies. Let him be as frank and friendly as 
he can be. Let the American drop his statistics, his 
encyclopedic giving of unasked information, and 
above all, if he has it, his habit of boasting, which 
does so much to cheapen the real value of his nation 
and make it seem vulgar to foreigners. 

Here then, are two nations which are provi- 
dentially called into the closest relations with each 
other. There are no two peoples or powers whose 
mutual friendship will do so much for the welfare 
of the world. If America and the British Empire 
stand together they alone furnish a nucleus for 
world peace, for brotherhood, for a League of 
Nations. If they are divided what guarantee have we 
for these things? 

Our interests for the most part are common. We 
both want an open door of trade in the Far East, 
the integrity of China, strengthened as a great and 
prosperous trading republic, not weakened and 
divided as spoil for warring nations. We both want 
to see Russia under a true democracy, a blessing to 



ANGLO-SAXON RESPONSIBILITY 241 

herself and the world, not the helpless tool of ex- 
ploitation either by any selfish class among her own 
people, whether high or low, or by any foreign power. 
We both wish to see the great principles for which we 
fought in the War — liberty, democracy, and right- 
eousness — honestly and impartially applied in our 
own countries, our colonies and possessions, and 
in all other lands. We both desire to "get a really 
new world." United, at our best, and living up to our 
own ideals, we can almost guarantee these things. 
We can make possible a League of Nations and 
world peace. Divided we can almost insure war, 
sooner or later, into which we shall both be dragged. 
Let us together stand for the freedom of democracy, 
with an open door of trade, an open door of oppor- 
tunity for all classes, an open diplomacy, an open 
Bible with liberty of conscience, and an open world 
— Everybody's World. 



X 

EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

We stand at the close of the greatest human event 
in history, Everybody's War; we now face the great 
crisis of reconstruction, in the making of Everybody's 
World. If these millions have not died in vain, we 
must win for them and for all humanity a new world. 
As we review the whole situation today, is it too 
much to say that we face an utterly unprecedented 
world-crisis? In summing up, let us try to grasp the 
gravity of the situation in the six areas of human 
need that we have surveyed. 

In the Near East we find Egypt swept by a 
nationalist uprising similar to that in India. The 
Nationalist Party demands complete independence. 
The political strikes of the government officials and 
the students in the schools have been followed by 
industrial strikes. Young Egypt has seized the 
catchwords of democracy and is clamoring for " self- 
determination," without realizing the conditions and 
responsibilities of self-government. After thirteen 
centuries of the rule of Islam, there has not yet 
dawned the first conception of granting full rights of 
citizenship to subject races of other faiths. Under 
self-government, within six months massacre would 
be rife. Egypt has not yet produced any national 
democratic leaders whose vision transcends the 

242 



EVERYBODY'S WORLD 243 

division of class and creed. The educated classes 
have shown little concern for their own peasantry, 
and little toleration for their fellow-subjects of the 
Christian faith. 

On the other hand, we must realize that in Egypt, 
as in other lands, this passion of nationalism springs 
from the same source as our own. The Anglo-Saxon 
is tempted to believe that he is destined for self- 
government, but that others are never fit for it. 
The Commission to Egypt under Lord Milner will 
doubtless appreciate the depth and sincerity of 
the nationalist spirit in Egypt, and make pro- 
vision for her steady advance toward responsible 
government. Repression will only lead to re- 
action. Where this deep spirit of nationalism ex- 
ists, we must provide for normal evolution or face 
revolution. Egypt must have her place in Every- 
body's World. 

In Turkey, Constantinople will stand as the 
crucial city between Europe and Asia. All nations 
are met there. The time has come to make some 
settlement that will insure a just and generous 
government, with the widest toleration for majorities 
and minorities, for Muslim, Jew, and Christian, with 
full liberty of conscience and absolute suppression 
of the barbarous massacres which have emanated 
from this city for five centuries past. The problem 
of Turkey must finally be faced. For decades it has 
been evaded, postponed, compromised, and the wel- 






244 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

fare of the whole Near East has been sacrificed to 
the jealous intrigues of Western nations. As we 
passed those graves and lonely cemeteries on the 
rocky ridge of Gallipoli, we could only raise a prayer 
that Turkey might at last be free from foreign 
intrigue without, and from the self-destruction 
which has menaced her from within. The whole Near 
East is volcanic with the possibilities of danger and 
of menace for the world, yet a new day of justice, of 
law and order, of religious toleration and develop- 
ment, is at hand, if only the Anglo-Saxon nations 
will do their plain duty here. 

We are also faced with the plea of threatened 
Armenia. For a thousand years this people has been 
persecuted. Massacre has followed massacre during 
the whole of the last century. At no time have the 
Armenians been in greater danger than today. It 
lies between the Anglo-Saxon nations, and especially 
with America, to see that after criminal international 
neglect and evasion for a whole generation, this 
people should not be further sacrificed. 

Russia, continental, colossal, chaotic, appeals to 
us out of the depth of its starving agony. As Arme- 
nia among the small nations, Russia has suffered 
most of all the great nations of the world. After a 
thousand years of oppression, five centuries of 
Czardom, and five years of War and its aftermath, 
can we blame this great people, generations behind 
the rest of Europe in progress, for blindly striving 



EVERYBODY'S WORLD 245 

for liberty? The French Revolution sought the 
overthrow of political oppression, while the Russian 
Revolution has tried to sweep away at one stroke 
both political and social injustice and to establish 
a new social order. Can we Anglo-Saxons, who in 
England fought for our Magna Charta of liberty, 
and in colonial America resisted the least feather- 
weight of injustice in the Stamp Act, blame this 
mass of struggling humanity for trying to throw off 
their bitter yoke of bondage? Behind all the fog of 
misrepresentation and the smoke of battle, the 
Russian people, renouncing the injustice of Bolshe- 
vism, may work out for all humanity a social solu- 
tion such as the French Revolution worked out in 
the political sphere. 

Russia today needs not words but deeds, not 
empty sympathy but practical help. Religiously 
also she needs our cooperation, but we must go not 
to proselytize but to vitalize. Russia does not need 
more sects, churches, or organizations; she does not 
need imported denominationalism; she will reform 
her own Church. If we go to her aid with no selfish 
or ulterior motive, with no desire for foreign ex- 
ploitation, but for the welfare of her own people, we 
shall find that no nation on earth will so eagerly and 
gratefully accept our help. If we cannot believe 
in Russia, we cannot believe in humanity. To be 
defeated there would be to be defeated everywhere. 
We are members one of another. The class hatred 



246 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

of an unjust, triumphant Bolshevism would be a 
menace to the world, while a democratic Russia will 
help to make the world safe for democracy. Let us 
not for a moment forget that the future of the Anglo- 
Saxon nations is bound up with the welfare of 
Russia. 

Japan also is facing a second great crisis in her 
history. She learned her first lesson and entered the 
geographic and economic world in 1854. But today, 
not Commodore Perry, but all nations are knocking 
at her door with the plea that, in the political, social, 
and spiritual sphere as well, she will enter into the 
true democracy of Everybody's World. An exploited 
Shantung means the menace of China and of every 
free nation represented there. A generous attitude 
toward China on the part of Japan will mean a 
wide open door of equal opportunity for all, in 
which Japan by virtue of her position will easily 
excel, where no Western nation can successfully 
compete with her or will envy her. Japan stands 
today at the cross-roads. We have faith that she 
will not take the wrong turning. 

Let the Anglo-Saxon nations remember that we 
also are menaced from within by selfish materialism 
and by commercialism. Do we ourselves believe in 
our spiritual principles sincerely enough to practice 
them? If we now meet Japan on the basis of selfish 
materialism, what defense can we have if some day 
more than 600,000,000 of the yellow race meet us 



EVERYBODY'S WORLD 247 

mercilessly on the same ground? As we have said, 
the possible Yellow Peril of the future is today the 
golden opportunity of Christendom. The reason we 
are tempted to judge Japan so harshly is that there 
is so much of the same spirit in ourselves. Japan 
met us generously when she opened her doors in 
1854. It is our firm faith that she will meet us in 
the same spirit today, if we ask her to join us in 
entering the democracy of Everybody's World. 

China, with one fourth of the human race, must 
also have her part in the new world. As Lord Bryce 
says, "Her future is of immense significance to all 
mankind." China is facing at once the greatest 
political crisis and the largest religious opportunity 
of her history. We found that politically she is 
threatened with the collapse of her Government 
through bribery and corruption, because the non- 
Christian religions have not furnished any lasting 
moral foundation for national life. To whom may 
she turn? What other principle or gospel can offer 
her any equivalent for a Christian civilization? Two 
forces in the past have been contending for China: 
material exploitation and Christian philanthropy. 
We must choose which we will follow. Now is the 
time to make the China of the future. Whether the 
present Government stands or falls, the next two 
decades will be decisive in the raising up of a great 
national leadership founded upon Christian prin- 
ciples. We are not contending here or elsewhere for 



248 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

a nominal Christianity. We plead for no sect, denom- 
ination, church, or organization, but where else 
can China find an enduring foundation for national 
life save in Christian principles, and who is to help 
her if we do not? 

In India we must realize the depth and breadth of 
the new nationalism. Here is one-fifth of humanity in 
tragic need, long left illiterate and in dire poverty. 
Raised up out of this toiling mass of over 300,000,000, 
are 250,000 English-speaking educated men of the 
politically minded classes, united by a new national 
consciousness, bridging the gulfs of caste and creed, 
of race and language. We must not forget that this 
patriotism is of the same stuff as our own. It is 
forged in the fire of affliction. It voices an unfath- 
omed depth. It would be sheer madness not to heed 
it. The Anglo-Saxon, who is democratic at home, is 
tempted to be imperialistic abroad. He who has 
fought for his own liberty must recognize this right 
for others. The choice in India, as in Egypt and 
Russia, is between evolution and revolution. India 
will be the chief glory of the British Empire or the 
monument of her failure. And here also America 
must make her full contribution. In unselfish 
philanthropic service the Englishman, as a represent- 
ative of the governing nation, is at a great disadvan- 
tage. The democratic American can sympathize 
with the national aspirations of other peoples and 
render a disinterested service without suspicion. But 



EVERYBODY'S WORLD 249 

no foreigner should go to Asia who is not prepared 
to serve. We should go not to be leaders, but to 
make leaders. Such true ''Servants of India" are 
needed in this period of transition. 

Facing this vast and turbulent world, amid "the 
restless tossing of long-enthralled nationalities," 
stand the two great Anglo-Saxon allies of democracy 
and peace. We have seen that together we are re- 
sponsible for about one-third of the land area of the 
globe and nearly one-third of its population; that 
we possess nearly one-half of its wealth and half of 
its trade. Selfishly held for the exploitation of 
British imperialism or American commercial suprem- 
acy, this must arouse the jealousy and opposition of 
the world. But if it is held as a sacred trust for demo- 
cratic development, for responsible government and 
self-determination for all backward people and un- 
privileged classes, these two nations face their 
supreme opportunity. For good or ill, it is mainly 
these two peoples that have been working in the 
Near East, that have helped Russia, opened Japan, 
tried to maintain an open door in China, stood for 
the education and emancipation of India and been 
responsible for the great bulk of the Christian phil- 
anthropy of the world. 

Yet at the very moment when the whole dis- 
tracted world is calling with outstretched hands to 
us to come over and help them, we must face the 
clamant demands of the social problem at home. At 



250 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

the moment of writing, the great struggle of labor is 
in progress. All the railways were on strike in 
England, with the other trade unions threatening to 
join them. A British labor leader, says : "The center 
of gravity is passing from the House of Commons to 
the headquarters of the Trade Unions." The triple 
alliance of workers in the railways, transportation, 
and mines threatened to hold up the Government 
and bring to a standstill the economic life of England. 
The strikes and the upheaval of the labor movement 
in the United States and Canada are symptoms of the 
same social malady. Fortunately the labor party in 
England, unlike the materialistic Marxian socialist 
parties in Germany and Russia, is based largely upon 
Christian principles. 

In any one strike the labor leaders may make a 
tactical blunder, or may be unjust. They may strike 
at the wrong time, in the wrong way, on a wrong 
issue. Worst of all, there may be dark and sinister 
foreign elements seeking to exploit and drive to 
unjustifiable extremes what might have been a 
reasonable issue. But let us not be blind to one 
fundamental question which underlies this whole 
industrial and social movement. If, as we saw in the 
first chapter, two per cent of the people of America 
possess sixty per cent of its wealth, while sixty-five 
per cent of the unprivileged classes have only five 
per cent of the wealth; if in Great Britain, a quarter 
of the entire population is living in poverty, can we 



EVERYBODY'S WORLD 251 

say that our present industrial order is founded 
upon social justice? Is it not in the trend of things 
that we shall see throughout the Anglo-Saxon na- 
tions a widening social control? Are we to face this 
social problem and seek to find a solution based on 
Christian principles, or are we to leave Bolshevism 
to find one? 

Have we ever cared, or dared, to stop and think of 
our present life and business in the light of the teach- 
ing of Jesus? Is it possible that we, like men in other 
days, are blinded by our own prejudice and self- 
interest so that we do not see the truth with single 
eye? For centuries, men read complacently the 
doctrine of " justification by faith" and felt sure it 
meant just the opposite of what it said. For cen- 
turies they justified from the Bible slavery, the 
Inquisition, the burning of witches, race prejudice, 
class exploitation, and every unjust social practice. 
Is it possible that we, too, are blinded today? 

During the strike of the railway workers in 
England, the writer tried to read afresh with 
open eyes the Sermon on the Mount, to see if 
it contained any indication of a solution for our 
social and political problems in the present world 
crisis. And this is what he found: 

A New Social Order 

1. Fatherhood. God is the loving Father of us all, 
and we are to pattern our lives according to His plan 
(Matt. 5:45, 48) 



252 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

2. Personality. Each man as potentially a son of 
God, is of infinite worth, and of concern to us. If 
any man or class has a grievance against us, we are 
to seek, if possible, immediate reconciliation (5:22, 
23). 

3. Brotherhood. All men are meant to be brothers, 
bound together in one great family of love in the 
purpose of God. We are to love and care for all, 
even our enemies (5:45). 

4. Responsibility. We are responsible for others, 
as our brother's keeper, as the salt or savor of 
society, as the light of a new social order, like a city 
on a hill, an example to the world (5:13-16, 23-26). 

5. The Object of Life. The summum bonum, the 
end of life, our one aim and object is, socially, to seek 
the Kingdom of God, the moral organization of man- 
kind, in a social order of humility, righteousness, 
mercy, purity, and self-sacrifice : and, personally, to 
do to each and all as we would be done by — i. e. to 
put ourselves in the other's place (6:33; 7 :12; 5:3-11). 

6. Wealth. Selfish hoarding of material wealth is 
forbidden to the sons of the Kingdom. They are to 
seek with singleness of eye to be servants of God and 
brothers of men, not slaves of money (6:19-24). 

7. Service. We must each consecrate his life for 
the realization of the Kingdom, to work and pray for 
its coming, and thus build on the rock of eternal 
reality and not on the shifting sand of personal 
selfishness. (6:9, 10; 7:21-27). 



EVERYBODY'S WORLD 253 

If we review these seven principles, do we believe 
that they are just? Are they the teaching of Jesus? 
If we are to translate these principles into the con- 
crete of actual life, would the following be a fair 
application of them? 

The Application of These Principles to 
The Present Social Order 

1. Before God as our common Father, our whole 
industrial, social, and political system must be 
tested by its fruits. Wherever it has failed, it must 
be rebuilt on the rock of justice and truth in a social 
order, of, for, and by the people, with democratic 
equality of opportunity for the full development 
and happiness of all. 

2. If, although each man is of infinite worth, labor 
has been exploited and has not had its due propor- 
tion of the wealth it has helped to create, then a fair 
living wage for all who toil should be the first charge 
on industry. 

3. If, in the light of human brotherhood, our 
present social system is unjust as tested by its 
fruits, then all who toil, whether by hand or brain 
should be adequately represented in the control 
and in the sharing of the profits of highly organized 
industry. 

4. If we are our brother's keeper, all men, classes, 
and sections of the community are entitled to social 
justice. But all should aim at evolution rather than 



254 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

revolution, at fulfilment rather than destruction. 
Each case should, if possible, be settled by concilia- 
tion on the basis of social justice, not on the basis of 
selfishness backed by force or violence on either side. 

5. God's Kingdom or rule is the unseen reality. 
Our present system is not yet true or real as tested 
by its fruits. In this period of reconstruction, are 
we ready to seek first God's Kingdom in our 
business, and to do unto others who toil, what we 
would that men should do to us? 

6. If it is true that capital is only the surplus 
energy of society, which should be released for the 
welfare of all, we must beware of selfish hoarding or 
of the robbery of our brother's rights. We must 
strive by the consecration of wealth, of time, and of 
service to lay up treasure, that is, the surplus energy 
of human toil, for its sole true end, the production of 
lasting character and happiness for all. 

7. The Kingdom can come only by the obedience 
of each individual, class, and nation, yielding its 
selfish privileges to socialize all fife. This is to build 
upon the rock of eternal reality, and not on the sand 
of selfishness. 

Do you believe that the above represent at least 
a partial application of the principles of Jesus to 
modern life? If not, what did He mean? Are you 
willing to apply His teaching to your own life and 
business, or are you of those who merely say "Lord, 
Lord," and do not the things which He says? Are 



EVERYBODY'S WORLD 255 

you willing to do your part in the social reconstruc- 
tion of Everybody's World? 

Is it not evident that we are in the midst of a 
vast interrelated world movement? What civilized 
nation is not affected? Twenty-three local wars 
have already grown out of the World War. More 
than a score of monarchs have already lost their 
thrones. Every nation seems to be in the midst of 
strife — either military, political, social, or economic. 
The world is in the agony of the birth pangs of a new 
order, struggling to be born. We had thought to 
confine the war at first to Serbia and Austria, then 
to Germany, then to Europe, then to the political 
sphere; but it is as wide as the whole life of the 
world. Behind it is the driving force of the newly 
awakened democratic conscience of mankind, inco- 
herently demanding a better world. 

Only the superficial view of the present world 
situation is pessimistic. Perhaps the backward 
swing of the pendulum of social war may carry the 
hour hand along the dial plate of progress as fast as 
the forward swing of peace. A new world order will 
I be worth all it costs. Better war than an unrighteous 
peace under Germany, we said. And better war 
again than the continuance of a social order funda- 
mentally unjust. " All humanity has struck its tents 
and is on the march." We are in the midst of a vast 
adjustment, or transition, in the ordered life of 
mankind — political, social, and economic — from 



256 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

autocracy to democracy, from militarism to true 
freedom, from the material power of might to the 
moral power of right. "And we live in it." Many 
have been vociferous in condemning certain individ- 
uals in the War and at Paris. But now it is our 
turn. Is America going to sit as the international 
Dives, with the beggared world knocking with gaunt 
and bony hands at our gates of brass? We have 
said that others have failed us, but is America now 
going to fail the world? We have shown a lively 
interest in Shantung, as an academic matter of de- 
bate, but in actual practice what are we going to do 
for China, for Armenia, for the world? Is our aim 
merely to get the world's trade or to give the world 
peace? 

In summing up, let us try to focus in one mental 
picture the six great areas of human need that we 
have surveyed. There is the crisis of the Near East 
and the chaos of a vast, elemental upheaval in 
Russia. In Japan and the Far East we face the 
problem of the Pacific, in the issue between militar- 
ism and democracy. China is facing the great 
political crisis of her history, and is threatened with 
the collapse of her Government. India with her 
300,000,000 is surging with a new nationalism, and 
with united front is demanding representative 
government. The Anglo-Saxon nations have to face 
not only this unprecedented situation abroad, but 
at home the great crisis in the labor situation, and 



EVERYBODY'S WORLD 257 

the whole issue of social and economic reconstruc- 
tion. Where are we to find the solution for these 
overwhelming problems? Is there any hope of 
bringing out of this chaos the ordered beauty of 
Everybody's World? 

The whole world is undergoing a cataclysmic 
change. The old world is in the melting pot, the 
new will run into moulds of our making. Are we to 
view this vast revolution that is taking place before 
our eyes with the blind prejudice of men partisan 
and selfish, who can conceive of no new idea, or are 
we to build a new world according to the pattern 
that we have seen in the Mount? Emerson says: 

"What is the scholar, what is the man for, but 
for hospitality to every new thought of his time? 
Have you leisure, power, property, friends? You 
shall be the asylum and patron of every new thought, 
every unproven opinion, every untried project, 
which proceeds out of good will and honest seeking. 
All the newspapers, all the tongues of today will 
of course defame what is noble; but you who hold 
not of today, not of the times, but of the Ever- 
lasting, are to stand for it; and the highest compli- 
ment man ever receives from heaven is the sending 
to him its disguised and discredited angels." 

Here then is the challenge of our time. Shall we 
choose revolution or evolution, selfishness or service, 
the material or the spiritual, Mammon or God? Are 
we to seek the biological kingdom of the German 
Haeckel, with the brute struggle for the survival of 



258 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

the fittest; or to build the Kingdom of God, in the 
moral organization of mankind? Is it to be the con- 
flict of selfishness and the chaos of hell, or the con- 
struction of Everybody's World? 

Reader, where do you stand? What part will you 
play in the building of the new world? As the writer 
returns from a journey through these great areas of 
human need and conflict, it seems to him that men of 
all nations, East or West, at home or abroad, are 
unconsciously grouped in four great parties. To 
which of these do you and I belong? 

1. The Reactionaries. These embrace all members 
of the selfish, privileged classes of birth and breed- 
ing, of wealth, education, commercial advantage, or 
political power, who are unwilling to share their 
privileges with others. There are many in respectable 
circles unconsciously belonging to this reactionary 
party. It includes not only the Czarists of Russia, 
the militarists of Japan, the commercial profiteers 
of America, many imperialists in England and 
France, but also the Turks who are working to 
exterminate the Armenians. It includes some men 
high in the parliaments and cabinets of the state, 
and in the orders of the Church. These men have 
no belief in humanity, no faith in any nationalism 
save their own, no sympathy with the toiling masses 
in their struggle for liberty. 

2. The Revolutionaries. In all these lands these 
include not only the Bolsheviki in Russia, but men 



EVERYBODY'S WORLD 259 

in Europe, Asia, and America who would sweep 
away with violence the present system and in its 
place institute the selfish rule of the unprivileged 
classes. 

3. The Neutrals, the compromisers, the drifters, 
the slackers. This party includes not only the un- 
thinking mass, but some students in our colleges, 
some men of culture who have the capacity for 
thought but do not exercise it ; men who in the midst 
of this world crisis have no vision, no conviction, no 
program, no passion, no life-purpose. They include 
the colorless, drab, dead souls. 

These three classes include the majority in all 
countries, but none of them belong to Everybody's 
World. 

4. The Party of Social Redemption. These men 
have a purpose and a program. They have a grip 
on life. They are practical idealists, they have a 
working creed. They believe that at the center of 
the universe is a purpose of divine love, for peace on 
earth and good will among men. They believe that 
humanity is one, sacred and divine, in which each 
individual, each class, each backward nation is of 
infinite worth, with limitless possibilities of develop- 
ment. They believe in the application to daily life 
and politics of the eternal moral law of righteousness. 
They hold to the spiritual principle of service and 
sacrifice — one God, one humanity, one moral law, 
one fellowship in service. These men are the 



260 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

citizens of the new world, the builders of the 
Eternal City. 

These four classes, the privileged reactionaries, 
the unprivileged revolutionaries, the neutral drifters, 
and the party of social redemption, make up our 
world today. To which of these do you belong? 
What have you done for the betterment of mankind 
and the building of the new world? There is no 
conscription here, no enforced or slave-driven service, 
but there is a universal call for volunteers. The men 
of the last party hold the future. The stars in their 
courses fight for them. All the ultimate power of 
the universe is with them. Behind them are the 
Cross of Calvary, all the glorious dead of the great 
War, all the vast offering of human sacrifice since 
time began. As we survey the dark past, the threat- 
ening present, and the possible future, we are driven 
back to the Christian answer as the only solution of 
fife. Where else shall we go? To materialism, to 
Prussian militarism, to naturalism, and the brute 
struggle for existence? Can men turn with any hope 
to revolution, to Bolshevism, to Nihilism, which end 
in chaos? Have the nations found any ultimate solu- 
tion, any adequate basis for national life, any hope 
of the rearing of Everybody's World in Confucian- 
ism, Shintoism, Buddhism, Hinduism, or Islam? 
We are driven back to the one center of fife, the 
eternal God manifest in the Christ of Calvary. We 
must Christianize the whole of life, we must claim the 



EVERYBODY'S WORLD 261 

whole man in all his relationships. We must seek the 
ordered development of the spiritual, the moral, the 
intellectual, the social, the political, and the material 
life of man — coordinated, unified, and redeemed. 

Will you, Reader, dedicate your life to this new 
world, with a deeper faith in the common man, a 
fight for social justice at home and abroad, a new 
belief in the democracy of nations and the right of 
the unprivileged classes, and a new internationalism 
— all made possible by a life of service and sacrifice? 
Will you dedicate your life to the service of Every- 
body's World? 



APPENDIX 



APPENDIX I 

CASUALTIES AND COSTS OF THE WAR 

From the President's Official Statement 

I. The Battle Dead 

Russia 1,700,000 

France 1,385,000 

Italy 462,000 

Great Britain 900,000 

Serbia 125,000 

Belgium 102,000 

Rumania 100,000 

Greece 7,000 

The United States 50,300 

The Teutonic Nations : 

Germany '. 1,600,000 

Austro-Hungary 800,000 

Turkey 250,000 

Bulgaria 100,000 

Total Battle Dead 7,582,000 

The total battle deaths in all the wars of the world from 
1793 to 1914 were something like 6,000,000. Add, how- 
ever, to this total the number of deaths from supplemen- 
tary causes and the aggregate will exceed 10,000,000 men, 
both in these previous wars, and in the last war. 

The cost of the War to the United States in man power 
is now estimated officially as 116,492 dead and 205,590 
wounded, a total of 322,082. 



265 



266 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

II. The Costs of the War (not including ruined 

PROPERTY, ETC.) 

Great Britain and her dominions $38,000,000,000 

France 26,000,000,000 

Russia 18,000,000,000 

Italy 13,000,000,000 

Belgium, Japan, and the smaller 

nations 16,000,000,000 

The United States 22,000,000,000 

The Central Powers: 

Germany $39,000,000,000 

Austro-Hungary 21,000,000,000 

Turkey and Bulgaria 3,000,000,000 

Total Costs of the War $329,000,000,000 



APPENDIX II 

THE STUDENTS OF RUSSIA 

Education in Russia has been backward. Out of every 
1,000, only 211 or 21 per cent, can read or write. The 
Revolution of 1905 introduced a new era of reform in 
education and by January, 1912, there were 125,723 
institutions with 8,263,999 pupils or slightly more than 
the total number of students in Japan or India. These 
were divided as follows : 

In universities and higher education 68,671 

In secondary schools 467,558 

In elementary schools 6,697,385 

The students of Russia are not scattered through 
six hundred colleges as in the United States, but are 
gathered in nine great university centers. Their intellectual 
standards are exceedingly high, resembling those of the 



APPENDIX III 267 

German universities. The number of students in these 
universities, at the beginning of the war, was: Moscow 
9,940, Petrograd 8,446, Kief 4,008, Kharkoff 5,347, 
Yurieff (Dorpat) 2,747, Warsaw 1,556, Kazan 3,484, 
Odessa 3,193. 

There is an absence of discipline and restraint among 
the Russian universities. The students are for the most 
part hard-working and often bitterly poor. We found 
some struggling to live on two dollars a month, who were 
on the verge of starvation; others who had not the price 
of a hair-cut or a postage stamp to write home. 



APPENDIX III 
THE RUSSIAN CHURCH 

Russia forms one of the sixteen independent churches 
of the Orthodox Eastern Church. Converted to Christian- 
ity in 988, she adopted the Byzantine or Greek form. 
Russia accepts the decrees of the seven Ecumenical 
Councils of the undivided Catholic Church. From the 
ninth to the eieventh century the schism arose which 
divided the Eastern and Western Churches, and the 
Russian Church was arrested in its development and 
long remained stationary. It has a simple definition of 
dogma, and there is no living authority to which it is 
obliged to submit. It has a married priesthood, and the 
open Bible was never officially forbidden to the people. 
It is a kind of half-way house between the Catholic and 
1 Protestant Churches. It has been passing through a 
period of reformation during the War. 

The Russian is not only deeply reverent and mystical, 



268 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

but he looks rather to conduct than to creed. There has 
occasionally been a political desire for "Russification," 
but the idea of proselytism is foreign to the Russian mind. 
If we are to help Russia today we need not to proselytize 
but to vitalize, not to found new competing sects and 
denominations, for they already have countless sects — 
Greek, Roman, and Protestant — but to bring them life 
more abundantly, that shall permeate all churches and all 
departments of national life, religious, civic, and social. 



APPENDIX IV 

RESPONSIBLE GOVERNMENT IN INDIA 

The Declaration of August 20, 1919. 

The following is the text of the pronouncement made 
in the House of Commons on August 20, 1919, by the 
Rt. Hon. Mr. E. S. Montagu, the Secretary of State for 
India on behalf of His Majesty's Government: — 

"The policy of His Majesty's Government, with 
which the Government of India are in complete accord, 
is that of increasing the association of Indians in every 
branch of the administration and the gradual develop- 
ment of self-governing institutions with a view to the 
progressive realization of responsible government in India, 
as an integral part of the British Empire. They have de- 
cided that substantial steps in this direction should be 
taken as soon as possible, and that it is of the highest 
importance, as a preliminary to considering what these 
should be, that there should be a free and informal ex- 
change of opinion between those in authority at Home 
and in India. His Majesty's Government have accord- 
ingly decided, with His Majesty's approval, that I 
should accept the Viceroy's invitation to proceed to India 






APPENDIX IV 269 

to discuss these matters with the Viceroy and the Govern- 
ment of India, to consider with the Viceroy the views of 
the Local Governments, and to receive the suggestions 
of representative bodies and others. I would add that 
progress in this policy can only be achieved by successive 
stages. The British Government and the Government of 
India, on whom the responsibility lies for the welfare and 
advancement of the Indian peoples, must be judges of the 
time and measure of each advance, and they must be 
guided by the cooperation received from those upon whom 
new opportunities of service will thus be conferred and 
by the extent to which it is found that confidence can be 
reposed in their sense of responsibility. Ample opportu- 
nity will be afforded for the public discussion of the pro- 
posals, which will be submitted in due course to Par- 
liament." 

According to the Montagu-Chelmsford Scheme each 
Provincial Legislature will have an elected majority of 
Indians chosen by direct election on a broad franchise of 
some five million voters, including the literate classes, 
property owners, etc. Backward minorities, like the 
Muhammadans and Sikhs, will elect their own special 
representatives to safeguard their interests. 

Government recommends that one third of the superior 
posts of the Indian Civil Service will in future be re- 
cruited in India itself, and not in England as heretofore. 
British commissions have now for the first time been 
granted to Indian officers in the army. 



270 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 



APPENDIX V 

SOUTH INDIA CONFERENCE ON 

CHURCH UNION 

TRANQUEBAR, MAY 1 and 2, 1919 

" We as individual members of the Anglican Communion 
and the South India United Church, having met at 
Tranquebar in the first ministers' conference on Church 
Union, after prayer and thought and discussion, have 
agreed on the following statement concerning the union 
of the Anglican Church with the South India United 
Church. 

"We believe that union is the will of God, even as 
our Lord prayed that we might be all one that the world 
might believe. We believe that union is the teaching 
of scripture, that 'There is one body, and one Spirit, 
even as also ye were called in one Hope of your calling; 
one Lord, one Faith, one baptism, one God and Father of 
all, who is over all, and through all and in all. ' 

"We believe that the challenge of the present hour in the 
period of reconstruction after the war, in the gathering 
together of the nations, and the present critical situation 
in India itself, call us to mourn our past divisions and 
turn to our Lord Jesus Christ to seek in Him the unity 
of the body expressed in one visible Church. We face 
together the titanic task of the winning of India for 
Christ, one-fifth of the human race. Yet confronted by 
such an overwhelming responsibility we find ourselves 
rendered weak and relatively impotent by our unhappy 
divisions — divisions for which we were not responsible 



APPENDIX V 271 

and which have been, as it were, imposed upon us from 
without; divisions which we did not create, and which 
we do not desire to perpetuate. 

"In this Church we believe that three scriptural elements 
must be conserved: (1) The Congregational element, 
representing the 'whole Church' with 'every member' 
having immediate access to God, each exercising his gift 
for the development of the whole body. (2) We believe 
it should include the delegated, organized or Presbyterian 
element, whereby the Church could unite in a General 
Assembly, synods, or councils in organized unity. (3) 
We believe it should include the representative, executive 
and Episcopal element. Thus all the three elements, no 
one of which is absolute or sufficient without the others 
should be included in the Church of the future, for we 
aim not at compromise for the sake of peace but at com- 
prehension for the sake of truth. 

"In seeking union, the Anglican members stand for the 
one ultimate principle of the historic Episcopate. They 
ask the 'acceptance of the fact of episcopacy and not 
any theory as to its character. ' The South India United 
Church members believe it is ' a necessary condition that 
the episcopate should reassume a constitutional form ' on 
the primitive, simple, apostolic model. While the Anglicans 
ask for the historic Episcopate, the members of the South 
India United Church also make one condition of union, 
namely, the recognition of spiritual equality, of the univer- 
sal priesthood of all believers, and the rights of the laity 
to their full expression in the Church. They ask that 
this principle of spiritual equality shall be maintained 
throughout at every step of the negotiations. 



272 EVERYBODY'S WORLD 

"Upon this common ground of the historic Episcopate 
and of spiritual equality of all members of the two Churches 
we propose union on the following basis : — 

(1) The Holy Scriptures of the Old and New Testa- 
ments as containing all things necessary to salvation. 

(2) The Apostles' Creed and the Nicene Creed. 

(3) The two Sacraments ordained by Christ Himself — 
Baptism and the Lord's Supper. 

(4) The Historic Episcopate, locally adapted. 

"We understand that the acceptance of the fact of the 
Episcopate does not involve the acceptance of any theory 
of the origin of episcopacy nor any doctrinal interpretation 
of the fact. It is further agreed that the terms of union 
should involve no Christian community in the necessity 
of disowning its past, and we find it no part of our duty 
to call in question the validity of each other's orders. 

"Fully recognizing that we do not commit our respec- 
tive bodies to any action, we individually and unofficially 
agree upon the following plan of union : After full deliber- 
ation let the South India United Church, if it desires 
union, choose from its own members certain men who 
shall be consecrated as Bishops. In the consecration of 
these Bishops it is suggested that three or more Bishops 
of the Anglican Church shall lay their hands upon the 
candidates, together with an equal number of ministers 
as representatives of the South India United Church. 

"As soon as the first Bishops are consecrated, the two 
bodies would be in intercommunion, but the further limita- 
tion of existing ministers with regard to celebrating the 
communion in the Churches of the other body might 
still remain. In accordance with the principle of spiritual 



APPENDIX V 273 

equality we desire to find some means to permit ministers 
of either body to celebrate the communion in the Churches 
of the other body.* 

"While not committing our respective bodies, we, un- 
officially and individually, with the blessing of God, 
agree to work toward union on such a basis." 

*"As one possible solution, we would suggest that a 
special 'Service of Commission' should be held. All 
ministers of both bodies desiring authority to officiate 
at the communion throughout the whole Church should 
present themselves to receive at the hand of all the Bishops 
of the United Churches a commission for such celebration 
of the communion. Ministers of either body desiring to 
officiate at the communion in other churches would be 
under no obligation to present themselves, as full liberty 
would be claimed for individuals on the extreme wing of 
each body to maintain their present views and practices. " 



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